Emotional labor was originally theorized by Arlie Hochschild in the context of domestic labor. Since her early theorization, popular culture and social scientists have adopted the term to refer to emotion work that is exhibited in a manner of financially compensated social settings. Emotional labor refers to the process by which individuals are expected to conform to a set of societal guidelines, ensuring that their emotions conform to that performance. As the use of social media grows, emotional labor plays an increasing role in the lives of people of color—across media platforms. We frame the ever‐present negotiation involved in racialized interactions online as a type of uncompensated emotional labor that results in racial battle fatigue. Next, we position emotional labor as an intrinsic part of the experience for social media users of color because digital media is by default a White, racialized space. Lastly, we argue that current research on civility does not account for the emotional labor of people of color. We offer an original view of uncompensated emotional labor that is inclusive of cross‐platform, racialized emotional labor that can result in racial battle fatigue.
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Previous studies of stereotyping have established that family structure is a cue by which individuals are stereotyped. This study builds on earlier work by adding the variables of race of respondent, family race, and parents' marital status to the analysis and by presenting family units (i.e., stepfamily, nuclear family) rather than family roles (e.g., stepmother, mother) as the trigger to elicit stereotypes. The sample consisted of 308 White and 178 Black students. Race of respondent and family structure of the stimulus families were significant; Black respondents in general rated families more positively, and the White stepfamily was rated less positively than were Black step or Black or White nuclear families. Parents' marital status and the family race of the vignette stimulus were not significant. There were also two sigificant two-way interactions (i.e., race of respondent by vignette family structure; and vignette family structure by vignette family race) and one significant three-way interaction (i.e., race by vignette family race by vignette family structure). Findings are discussed in terms of stereotyping theory.
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