A two-part study contrasted the utility of free-response and checklist methodologies for ascertaining ethnic and gender stereotypes. Descriptions of data collection, organization, and cluster and entropy analyses are provided. Results indicate that important differences emerge between data resulting from free-response methodology and those obtained with traditionally employed adjective checklists. These differences include the generation of a large percentage of physical descriptors and within-ethnic-group gender differences in stereotype content. A major finding is the generation of a large number of distinct responses coupled with low-frequency use of any particular response. Study 2 specifically examined whether free-response data are more schematic than checklist data. Results indicate that free-response data have a greater dependency and may thus be indicative of schematic response. This schematic response may, in turn, indicate more automatic processing than is evident with data from checklist methodologies.

Diversity within the field of professional psychology rests heavily on the diversity of the training-toworkforce pipeline. Two major waypoints play a pivotal role in this process, namely admission to (and hence representation within) and retention in doctoral training programs. The present study reports student population data regarding three types of diversity (i.e., race/ethnicity, disability, and gender identification) within doctoral psychology education. Diversity data from the full population of enrolled doctoral students in accredited psychology programs throughout the United States from 2005-2015 were obtained from the American Psychological Association's Office of Program Consultation and Accreditation. Analyses focused on (a) establishing the representation of diverse peoples, according to race/ ethnicity, disability, and gender identification; and (b) identifying the rate of attrition among these groups. Despite no evidence of significant differences in quantitative academic qualifications (i.e., grade point average or graduate record examination scores), Black or African Americans, Hispanic/Latinos, individuals with disabilities, and men were found to be underrepresented relative to the U.S. population at large. These same groups, in addition to Native Hawaiian or Other Pacific Islanders, also evidenced higher attrition from doctoral programs. Professional psychology's training-to-workforce pipeline lacks the diversity of the U.S. population at large, at least with respect to race/ethnicity, disability, and gender identification. Findings suggest processes at the point of admission, more than those involving retention, are most at fault.

The relationships among solo status of racial/ethnic minorities in psychology departments, job satisfaction, and subjective feelings of distinctiveness were examined. Distinctiveness was defined as stigmatizing feelings associated with token status of racial/ethnic minorities in academia. It was hypothesized that minorities in positions of solo (relative to nonsolo) status within their departments, members of more stigmatized groups, and minorities occupying lower academic ranks would feel more distinctive and less satisfied with their jobs and that perceptions of distinctiveness would mediate job satisfaction. The data partially supported these hypotheses, most notably for African Americans. The implications of situational salience and the importance of recognizing differences among and between minority groups are considered.

The present article examines how the salience of group membership can moderate or diffuse feelings of stigmatization for members of racial and ethnic minorities. A series of studies is presented that demonstrate that the development of a common group identity can diffuse the effects of stigmatization, improve intergroup attitudes, and enhance institutional satisfaction and commitment among college students and faculty. Strategies and interventions designed to address the effects of stigmatization, however, need to consider the different value and importance of racial and ethnic group identities for Whites and for people of color.Stigma is a pervasive and powerful phenomenon linked essentially to the value associated with social identities. It involves, first, the recognition of difference based on some distinguishing characteristic, or "mark," and second, a devaluation of those in possession of it (see Goffman, 1963). Recently, Dovidio, Major, and Crocker (2000) have identified several fundamental dimensions of

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