No abstract

Twenty Holstein heifers were fed four rations containing 0, 10, 20, and 30% whole sunflower seed as a source of dietary fat. All rations consisted of alfalfa hay, sunflower hulls, and grain mixtures and were isonitrogenous at 12% crude protein and isocaloric at 2.6 Mcal metabolizable energy per kilogram dry matter. Average body weight gains were not different among treatment groups. Heifers fed sunflower seed (fat) diets consumed less total dry matter, significantly improving growth efficiency (gain/feed). Concentration of total lipid and urea nitrogen in blood serum were increased whereas glucose was depressed with higher amounts of dietary fat. High fat diets (20 and 30%) elevated total lipid, triglyceride, and nonesterified fatty acids in the blood. Total and free cholesterol in blood also were increased, but high density lipoprotein-cholesterol remained unchanged with increasing concentration of dietary fat. Dietary fat was correlated positively with lipid components of blood serum and negatively with glucose.

W. 1985. Feeding value of wet corn gluten feed for lactating dairy cows; Can. J. In two trials 5'7 and44 Holstein cows were used to determine the effect of feeding wet corn gluten feed (CGF) on total dry matter (DM) intake and milk production. (P<0.05) in insoluble N and higher in soluble NPN than dried CGF. We concluded that dried CGF is superior to wet CGF for lactating cows but that wet CGF should be considered for feeding when cost/benefit analysis suggests an economic advantage.

In recent years, a significant amount of research has been devoted to theorising and explaining parties’ vote-seeking behaviours with regard to emphasising certain policy domains and ignoring others. These strategies are largely determined by the parties’ issue ownership and the context of the competition. In this article, I explore the interaction between these two groups of factors, that is, how a given party type and its role within the party system moderate the political actor’s responsiveness to various unfolding events. The study uses a collection of Facebook posts published by the official profiles of some of the Polish political parties. I demonstrate that the competitors develop distinct strategies of issue emphasis in accordance with the incentives coming from the events that occur on the one hand and their strengths and weaknesses related to certain issue domains on the other.

One of the sources of the incumbent advantage over the challenger in a two-candidate election is the possibility of referring to accomplishments in office. Incumbents exploit this resource in their campaigning rhetoric by putting greater emphasis on competence than challengers do. However, this tendency has not been tested outside two-party systems yet. In multiparty settings, the outgoing government, often formed by a coalition of parties, faces multiple opposition forces. This can change the strategic context of the competition, so the generalizations made in two-party systems may not be adequate. Using the Comparative Campaign Dynamics Dataset, I demonstrate that the tendency to put more emphasis on competence does not apply to government parties in multiparty elections in Europe. However, parties with better positions in the pre-electoral polls are more likely to emphasize traits associated with the ability to govern efficiently during the campaign.

During the eight months preceding the 2019 parliamentary election in Poland, resolutions aimed against the LGBTQIAP minority were adopted by over 60 out of 2,477 municipalities. They were proposed by a local right-wing organization called Ordo Iuris. Based on the prerequisites from the political opportunity structure approach, I test two sets of explanations as to why certain municipalities were targeted by the organization, while others were not. One set of hypotheses is associated with social demand; municipalities chosen by Ordo Iuris are expected to be more religious and supportive of the political right. The other approach assumes that the activity of the organization was determined by the resources available in the community, such as high percentage of members of the local council representing the right-wing Law and Justice party, electoral turnout, membership in religious organizations, and population density. The empirical analysis confirms the significance of resources and disproves the argument associated with social demand. The study has implications for understanding how the social movements of the radical right gain political influence in Eastern European countries. It shows that they do not serve a particular demand from the society for the worldview they represent, but they rather rely on the aid from political elites and the resources provided by them and the community to promote their agenda where they can.

This article measures the intensity of negative campaigning in Poland. Its analysis focuses on the share of pre-election rhetoric that involved criticising political opponents, how far this criticism concerned incompetence and how far dishonesty, and which of the competing actors were attacked by the representatives of respective parties. The empirical analyses were conducted with the new Comparative Campaign Dynamics Dataset, which had not been used before in Polish scholarly literature. The results indicate that in Poland the intensity of negative campaigns has increased since 2015 and parties tend to use them in a manner consistent with the strategic premises resulting from their position in the party system. The representatives of new opposition parties, those with a weak position in an election and actors with an anti-systemic profile are more predisposed to criticise others.

The article presents the concept of valence campaigning which is based on references to non-programmatic components of political image, such as competence and integrity. The analysis covers the premises for introducing references to these characteristics in the campaign derived from the strategic position of competing political parties. The empirical section contains the results of measurement of the frequency of these appeals in the pre-election rhetoric of parties participating in parliamentary campaigns in Poland between 2007 and 2019. The Comparative Campaign Dynamics Dataset was used for the study. The results show that the high frequency of arguments related to competence results primarily from the advantageous position of a party in the polls as well as its earlier participation in the government. Integrity is mainly emphasized by new parties and, unexpectedly, the ones involved in scandals in the past.