<p>„Populizm” jest jednym z najpopularniejszych terminów używanych w kontekście działalności partii Podemos w Hiszpanii. Odnosi się on najczęściej do słownikowego rozumienia tego pojęcia, przez co zarówno zjawisko, jak i aktywność ugrupowania zyskują charakter negatywny. W niniejszym tekście za główny punkt odniesienia w analizie strategii politycznej Podemos przyjmuje się koncepcję populizmu stworzoną przez Ernesto Laclaua. Umożliwia to ukazanie kluczowych dla funkcjonowania partii komponentów jako elementów odgórnie założonego procesu, klasyfikowanego przez autora jako pozytywny. Koncentracja na formie przekazu, czyli uwzględnienie aspektu internetowego (e-populizm) oraz wizerunkowego (pop-polityka) przyczynia się z kolei do wyjaśnienia roli i znaczenia odpowiednich narzędzi w realizacji przyjętych przez twórców Podemos założeń.</p>
The main problem of this article is constructed in the form of the question “How has the political emancipation of citizens affected the mechanisms of power in Spain after 2011?” and focuses on the analysis of the changes taking place in the local political order as a consequence of individuals’ aspirations to secure their own political subjectivity. The transfer of votes to the Podemos party is treated as a result of seeking a new framework for political action by the left-wing voters under the conditions defined by terror management theory as a existential terrorism of globalization.
The main objective of this article is to analyse the transformation of the Spanish political order from a neo-institutional perspective, taking into account the particular impact of the contestation element created during 15M Movement on the functioning and the relationships between formal and informal institutions after 2011. The transformation of the rules that form a certain order is considered to be binding for the direction of reshaping of the subsystem covering relations both between citizens and political parties and between the groups themselves. The principle of contestation proposed within the framework of the text allows us to grasp the changes taking place in society and their consequences for the political order that is currently being formed.
The aim of this article is to analyze the independence activities undertaken by the Catalan government in the context of the brinkmanship strategy and the assumptions of game theory based on “the game of chicken”. It allows us to put the issue of Catalan’s claims in a different context than to refer to political, historical or cultural grounds for self-determination. By adopting this approach to the problem and putting it in the field of political competition at central and national level, it is possible to expose the elements that treat the whole problem as a political game, rather than a real endeavor to reach a consensus between the parties and finally solve the problem. In addition, from the point of view of party interests, it is beneficial that the problem of Catalan independence, absorbing much public attention, continues to function in the political sphere and in the consciousness of the people.
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