Several fixed classification experiments test the hypothesis that F 1 , f 0 , and closure voicing covary between intervocalic stops contrasting for [voice] because they integrate perceptually. The perceptual property produced by the integration of these acoustic properties was at first predicted to be the presence of low frequency energy in the vicinity of the stop, which is considerable in [+voice] stops but slight in [−voice] stops. Both F 1 and f 0 at the edges of vowels flanking the stop were found to integrate perceptually with the continuation of voicing into the stop, but not to integrate with one another. These results indicate that the perceptually relevant property is instead the continuation of low frequency energy across the vowel-consonant border and not merely the amount of low frequency energy present near the stop. Other experiments establish that neither F 1 nor f 0 at vowel edge integrate perceptually with closure duration, which shows that only auditorily similar properties integrate and not any two properties that reliably covary. Finally, the experiments show that these acoustic properties integrate perceptually (or fail to) in the same way in non-speech analogues as in the original speech. This result indicates that integration arises from the auditory similarity of certain acoustic correlates of the [voice] contrast.
Apart from phonological features and their individual phonetic correlates, an intermediate level of structure apparently exists in which subsets of phonetic properties form perceptually coherent units, referred to here as ‘‘integrated perceptual properties.’’ The mapping between each successive level of structure is arguably many-to-one, elevating both redundancy and distinctiveness at the level of phonological features. For the distinctive feature [voice], a main integrated perceptual property corresponding to the [+voice] value is the presence of low-frequency energy during or near the consonant, which may be further analyzed into at least three phonetically distinct subproperties: voicing during the consonant constriction, a low F1 near the constriction, and a low F0 in the same region. Two predictions follow if these three subproperties contribute to a single integrated perceptual property. One is that the effects on [voice] judgments of varying either a low F1 or F0 should pattern in similar ways for a given utterance position and stress pattern; this prediction was confirmed. The second prediction is that two stimuli in which separate subproperties of the low-frequency property are positively correlated (i.e., they are either both present or both absent) will be more distinguishable than two stimuli in which the subproperties are negatively correlated; though not yet confirmed for the pairing of F1 with F0, this prediction was confirmed for pairings of F1 or F0 with constriction voicing.
Certive C o r p o r a t i o n 600 S a g i n a w Drive R e d w o o d City, C A 94063 U S A +1 (650) 701-8876 w e n d y . e a s t l e m a n (~c e r t i v e . c o m Panelists and Affiliations Richard H a r p e r , Digital World R e s e a r c h Centre, r.harper(~surrey.ac.uk Steven Herbst, M o t o r o l a PCS, s . h e r b s t @ m o t o r o l a . c o m Jonathan Kies, Q u a l c o m m , j k i e s @ q c p i . c o m Sean Lane, m a r c h F I R S T , s e a n . l a n e @ m a r c h f i r s t . c o m Jens Nagel, Motorola Lexicus, j e n s . n a~e l (~m o t o r o l a . c o m ABSTRACTMobile technologies are rapidly redefining the lives of people around the world. As designers of mobile devices and mobile applications, we should consider the implication of the impact of these technologies on everyday life. This panel will be a discussion of some of the hot topics relating to the issue, and will generate a set of design implications to be considered when designing mobile technologies.
Six adult speakers of American English produced voiceless fricatives and affricates in word initial position in a carrier phrase, varying vowel context, and stress patterns. From each of the productions, the following acoustic measurements were made: silence duration, frication duration, amplitude rise time, amplitude rise slope, frication onset centroid frequency, and following vowel duration. A discriminant function analysis revealed that silence duration was the best at discriminating between the fricatives and affricates, followed by frication duration, onset frequency, and rise slope. No additional discrimination was found due to either rise time or vowel duration. The traditional acoustic measure of rise time, which includes the duration and the slope of the rise, may be due entirely to the contribution of the slope rather than the duration itself. Although rise time has long been considered an important perceptual cue in the distinction between fricatives and affricates, recent research has brought this into question [K. R. Kluender and M. A. Walsh, Percept. Psychophys. 51, 328–333 (1992)]. The results of this study suggest that duration measurements (preceding silence interval and frication duration) are more salient acoustic correlates than amplitude rise-time measures. [Work supported by NIDCD.]
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