Using in-depth interviews with 74 men across different ranks in biology and physics at prestigious US universities, we ask to what extent changing norms of fatherhood and a flexible workplace affect men working in a highly male-dominated profession and what variation exists in family forms. We conceptualize four typologies of men: those forgoing children, egalitarian partners, neo-traditional dual-earners, and traditional breadwinners. Findings suggest male scientists hold strong work devotions yet a growing number seek egalitarian relationships, which they frame as reducing their devotion to work. The majority of men find the all-consuming nature of academic science conflicts with changing fatherhood norms.

As new and more effective human reproductive genetic technologies (RGTs) rapidly develop, religious voices remain an important part of public discussion about the moral standing of such technologies. Here, we compare how individuals from different religious traditions evaluate disease RGTs (detecting genetic diseases in vitro) when compared to enhancement RGTs, allowing parents to select features of a child. Findings are gleaned from analysis of 270 interviews with individuals from 23 Christian, Muslim, and Jewish religious organizations, with supporting data from a national survey of more than 10,000 Americans. We find that respondents engage in clearly defined discursive moral reasoning to evaluate the propriety of disease RGTs while moral intuitions manifest themselves in responses to enhancement RGTs. We argue that schemas provide resources for moral discourses while also shaping moral intuitions expressed through emotions. Our results have implications for how religious people respond to new technologies when their institutional and denominational structures do not have readily discernable moral frameworks to guide responses.

Recent research calls for more in-depth investigation of how male workers manage the tensions between work and family (Bianchi and Milkie 2010). Over the past 50 years, men have increased their time spent at home: Time-use diaries show that husbands have tripled the amount of time spent caring for their children since 1954 (Edin and Nelson 2013), and male professionals increasingly report work-family conflict (Aumann, Galinsky, and Matos 2011). Yet there has been little research on how men manage these new tensions. Aumann and colleagues (2011:2) call the pressure men face to remain the primary breadwinners while also increasing involvement with child care the "new male mystique." They claim that men are pressured to "do it all in order to have it all" in a way that is similar to the pressures experienced by women (Aumann et al. 2011). Moreover, over 90 percent of men report that they would like to spend more time with their families (Milkie et al. 2004; Williams 2010). In contrast, other researchers call into question whether and how much fathers' actual family practices have really shifted to match changing ideologies about fatherhood (Wall and Arnold 2007)-as well as how much ideologies have changed (DeWitt, Cready, and Seward 2013)-and indicate that involved fatherhood varies notably by class (Shows and Gerstel 2009; Usdansky 2011). Middle-class professionals are actually least likely to enact ideals of involved fatherhood, ideals that involve spending more time with their children