This study examined to what extent peer influence explains the development of illegal political behavior controlling for peer selection, legal political peer influence, and gender effects. Late adolescents who filled out questionnaires at two annual measurements were used in a longitudinal social network approach (N = 1006; Mage = 16.62). Results showed that peers' involvement in illegal political behavior predicted adolescents' increases in illegal political behavior. Adolescents did not select other peers with similar illegal political behavior. Nevertheless, adolescents selected peers with similar legal political behavior. Findings were discussed in light of a stage process where adolescents initially chose peers with similar legal political behavior. Subsequently, peers influence adolescents on both legal and illegal political behavior.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the adolescents who cross the boundaries of legality, also including illegal political means in their political action repertoire. The data comprised of questionnaire responses from middle and late adolescents in a Swedish city of around 130,000 citizens. Analyses of covariance, EXACON, and logistic regression were used to examine the extent to which adolescents including illegal political activities in their political activity repertoire compare with their legally oriented counterparts. Adolescents using illegal political activity reported higher levels of political interest and goal-orientation than adolescents involved solely in legal political activity. The major contrasts with legal political activism were that illegal political activism seemed to co-occur with (a) reluctance to accept authority, irrespective of the context (societal, school, or parental) and (b) approval of violent political means. In a simultaneous model, further analysis revealed that reluctance to accept authority reduced the predictive power of illegal political activities with regard to approval of political violence. This suggests that the tendencies to approve of political violence, among adolescents involved in illegal political activities, might be partially explained by challenges toward authority. To conclude, adolescents in illegal political activism seem to have similar resources for political engagement as their legally oriented counterparts. However, adolescents involved in illegal political activity seem more likely to let ends justify the means. Most likely, this position is related to authority challenges.

This study used reactance theory as a starting point to explain what role a perceived undemocratic and controlling family has for adolescents’ readiness to use illegal political activity. Additionally, we examined whether adolescents’ readiness to use illegal political means was related to actual political behaviour, which has been lacking in research. Data came from a longitudinal sample of 424 younger ( Mage = 13.44) and 296 older ( Mage = 16.62) adolescents collected in a mid-sized city in Sweden. Results showed that adolescents who perceived their families as undemocratic and controlling increased in readiness to use illegal political means over time. In addition, but only for older adolescents, readiness was associated with an increase in actual political behaviour. The findings highlight the role a perceived family environment has on adolescents’ development of political values and behaviours in today’s democratic societies.

Social capital theory states that civic engagement generates positive outcomes, such as social trust and political interest. Likewise, studies show that those involved in civic engagement generally report higher levels of social trust and political interest. It is still unclear, however, whether these differences are the result of socialization or selection. We used between-effects and fixed-effects regressions to examine the development of political orientations in a three-wave longitudinal sample of 1,050 adolescents. From our results, volunteering seemed to have no socialization effect whatsoever on political interest and potentially a weak enhancing effect on social trust. Associational membership did not predict social trust over time, but it seemed to socialize members into increased political interest over time. The results are discussed in light of the social capital debate about how civic engagemend in associational life and volunteering do -or do not -function as schools of democracy.

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