The discriminative processes indexed by MMN in response to frequency changes areimmature in infants and preschool children. Although there is convincing evidence that the negativity elicited in Experiment 2 is an immature MMN, the possibility that it may be an "obligatory effect" indexing recovery from refractoriness cannot be ruled out at this time. The results from these experiments suggest that the MMN component haslimited use as a clinical tool at this time for infants and young children.
We used neurophysiological and behavioral measures to examine whether children with specific language impairment (SLI) have deficits in automatic processing of brief, phonetically similar vowels, and whether attention plays a role in such deficits. The neurophysiological measure mismatch negativity (MMN) was used as an index of discrimination in two tasks; one in which children ignored the auditory stimuli and watched a silent video and a second in which they attended to the auditory modality. Children with SLI showed good behavioral discrimination, but significantly poorer behavioral identification of the brief vowels than the children with typical language development (TLD). For the TLD children, two neurophysiological measures (MMN and a later negativity, LN) indexed discrimination of the vowels in both tasks. In contrast, only the LN was elicited in either task for the SLI group. We did not see a direct correspondence between the absence of MMN and poor behavioral performance in the children with SLI. This pattern of findings indicates that children with SLI have speech perception deficiencies, although the underlying cause may vary.
Maturation of speech discrimination, as indexed by MMN, occurs more rapidly between 4 and 7 yrs of age for vowels than for tones. A p-MMR preceding the MMN also reflects discrimination in younger children and declines in amplitude with age.
Cognition is often affected in a variety of neuropsychiatric, neurological, and neurodevelopmental disorders. The neural discriminative response, reflected in mismatch negativity (MMN) and its magnetoencephalographic equivalent (MMNm), has been used as a tool to study a variety of disorders involving auditory cognition. MMN/MMNm is an involuntary brain response to auditory change or, more generally, to pattern regularity violation. For a number of disorders, MMN/MMNm amplitude to sound deviance has been shown to be attenuated or the peak-latency of the component prolonged compared to controls. This general finding suggests that while not serving as a specific marker to any particular disorder, MMN may be useful for understanding factors of cognition in various disorders, and has potential to serve as an indicator of risk. This review presents a brief history of the MMN, followed by a description of how MMN has been used to index auditory processing capability in a range of neuropsychiatric, neurological, and neurodevelopmental disorders. Finally, we suggest future directions for research to further enhance our understanding of the neural substrate of deviance detection that could lead to improvements in the use of MMN as a clinical tool.
The goal of the current analysis was to examine the maturation of cortical auditory evoked potentials (CAEPs) from three months of age to eight years of age. The superior frontal positive-negative-positive sequence (P1, N2, P2) and the temporal site, negative-positive-negative sequence (possibly, Na, Ta, Tb of the T-complex) were examined. Event-related potentials were recorded from 63 scalp sites to a 250- ms vowel. Amplitude and latency of peaks were measured at left and right frontal sites (near Fz) and at left and right temporal sites (T7 and T8). In addition the largest peak (typically corresponding to P1) was selected from global field power (GFP). The results revealed a large positive peak (P1) easily identified at frontal sites across all ages. The N2 emerged after 6 months of age and the following P2 between 8 and 30 months of age. The latencies of these peaks decreased exponentially with the most rapid decrease observed for P1. For amplitude, only P1 showed a clear relationship with age, becoming more positive in a somewhat linear fashion. At the temporal sites only a negative peak, which might be Na, was clearly observed at both left and right sites in children older than 14 months and peaking between 100 and 200 ms. P1 measures at frontal sites and Na peak latencies were moderately correlated. The temporal negative peak latency showed a different maturational timecourse (linear in nature) than the P1 peak, suggesting at least partial independence. Distinct Ta (positive) and Tb (negative) peaks, following Na and peaking between 120 and 220 ms were not consistently found in most age groups of children, except Ta which was present in 7 year olds. Future research, which includes manipulation of stimulus factors, and use of modeling techniques will be needed to explain the apparent, protracted maturation of the temporal site measures in the current study.
This study examined the role of automatic selective perceptual processes in native and non-native listeners' perception of a Japanese vowel length contrast (tado vs. taado), using multiple, naturalspeech tokens of each category as stimuli in a "categorial oddball" design. Mismatch Negativity (MMN) was used to index discrimination of the temporally-cued vowel contrast by naïve adult American listeners and by a native Japanese-speaking control group in two experiments in which attention to the auditory input was manipulated: in Exp 1 (Visual-Attend), listeners silently counted deviants in a simultaneously-presented visual categorial oddball shape discrimination task; in Exp 2 (Auditory-Attend), listeners attended to the auditory input and implicitly counted target deviants. MMN results showed effects of language experience and attentional focus: MMN amplitudes were smaller for American compared to Japanese listeners in the Visual-Attend Condition and for the American listeners in the Visual compared to Auditory-Attend condition. Subtle differences in topography were also seen, specifically in that the Japanese group showed more robust responses than the American listener's at left hemisphere scalp sites that probably index activity from the superior temporal gyrus. Follow-up behavioral discrimination tests showed that Americans discriminated the contrast well above chance, but more poorly than did Japanese listeners. This pattern of electrophysiological and behavioral results supports the conclusion that early experience with phonetic contrasts of a language results in changes in neural representations in auditory cortex that allow for more robust automatic, phonetic processing of native-language speech input.
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