During the last three decades, many recommendations for a gender fair Spanish language have been proposed, but, generally speaking, it has been the substitution of the so-called 'masculine generic' (e.g. los profesores 'the teachers [masc.]') by gender neutral (e.g. el pro¬fesorado 'the staff of teachers) or explicit references (e.g. los profesores y (las) profesoras 'the teachers [masc. and fem., resp.]') which has been favoured. Two important assumptions are implicit in these recommendations. First, the sentences containing the masculine forms would lead to associations primarily to men (thus leaving women 'invisible'), whereas sentences containing either the gender-neutral forms or the gender-explicit references would evoke a generic association. Second, the associations between form and mental representation are considered inalterable and unlikely to change over time. This paper intends to interrogate these assumptions by means of two questionnaire investigations that were carried out in Spain in 1995 and 2005 in which native speakers of Spanish were asked to complete specific filler sentences. The results of both investigations demonstrate that there is no clear-cut correspondence between certain linguistic forms and the mental (gender-) representations evoked in peoples' minds. For example, a masculine form is not automatically connected with a male image. The investigation also shows that some associations significantly change over time; for example, a clear male bias of the masculine form in the first study seems to have vanished within a time span of ten years. With respect to another aim of the gender fair recommendations - namely to make women more visible in public discourse – the investigations show that this, indeed, is best achieved by explicitly referring to women. Interestingly, this result appears to be stable over time. Altogether, it seems justifiable to conclude that the assumptions underlying the recommendations for a gender fair language can be challenged. At any rate, it is important to point out that these assumptions are subject to change over time - at least within politically influenced language matters – and perhaps faster than has been expected.
Grammatical gender and the related concept, 'social gender', are important linguistic categories which, in this article, are used to illustrate that the translation process is not only a 'cross-cultural transfer' but also a cross-ideological transfer. By departing from the view that different languages reflect different ways of perceiving reality, it is argued here that the linguistic structure of languages with regard to gender (i.e. grammatical vs. pronominal gender), as well as different connotations of gender, have a considerable influence upon the translation process and, hence, on how the reader of the target language is meant to perceive reality. The article emphasizes the importance of the translator's role in analyzing gender aspects in the source text and determining the ideological impact gender connotations may have in both the source and the target text.
Comparison of populations of Prostephanus truncatus (Horn) of different geographic origin Fitness of three central american (Costa Rica, Guatemala, Mexico) and two african (Tanzania, Togo) strains of Prostephanus truncatus was comparatively investigated under laboratory conditions at 27°C and 70–75 % r.h. The biological studies were accompanied by isoelectric focusing (IEF) of several enzymes. Differences could be demonstrated for all fitness elements investigated (development, lifetime, oviposition‐rate and reproductive fertility) and is reflected in the intrinsic rate of natural increase. The data show that differences exist between the african and the central american populations, but also between the two african strains. Specific population differences could be correlated with enzyme polymorphism. It can be assumed that the storage pest has been introduced into Africa from Mexico. As seen from fitness, population specific differences must be considered while developing and applying biological control strategies. Zusammenfassung Im Rahmen des Projektes zur biologisch integrierten Bekämpfung des Großen Kornbohrers, Prostephanus truncatus (Horn) sollte durch vergleichende Untersuchungen zur Biologie und Ökologie und zum Enzym‐Polymorphismus (IEF) geprüft werden, ob Unterschiede zwischen den verschiedenen geographischen Herkünften des Schädlings bestehen. Dafür standen 3 Populationen aus Lateinamerika (Costa Rica, Guatemala und Mexiko) und zwei Populationen aus Afrika (Tansania und Togo) zur Verfügung. Die Versuche zeigten, daß sich nicht nur die afrikanischen von den mittelamerikanischen Populationen unterschieden, sondern daß es auch innerhalb der lateinamerikanischen Stämme Unterschiede gab. So hob sich die mexikanische Herkunft aufgrund ihrer hohen Fitness signifikant von den Herkünften aus Guatemala und Costa Rica ab. Die spezifische Vermehrungsrate (r) faßt die ermittelten Fitnesskomponenten so zusammen: die Population aus Mexiko ist mit r = 0,74 die fiteste Population. Der Stamm aus Togo liegt mit r = 0,67 über dem aus Tansania mit r = 0,59. Für die Herkunft Guatemala konnte ein r‐Wert von 0,57 errechnet werden und die Population aus Costa Rica wies mit r = 0,49 die geringste Fitness auf. Gleichfalls konnten populationsspezifische Unterschiede im Enzym‐Polymorphismus durch die isoelektrische Fokussierung (IEF) festgestellt werden. Obwohl Unterschiede zwischen den Populationen beider Kontinente existieren, sollten sie höchstens als geographische Rassen bezeichnet werden. Es ist nicht feststellbar, aus welchem Land die afrikanischen Herkünfte stammen, jedoch besteht anhand der ermittelten reproduktiven Fitness Grund zur Annahme, daß sie aus Mexiko eingeschleppt wurden. Die populationsspezifischen Unterschiede müssen aber bei der Entwicklung und beim Einsatz biologischer Bekämpfungsmaßnahmen berücksichtigt werden.
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