The results reported in this article are part of a larger study of the political competencies of students in Norwegian upper secondary school. The main focus of this study is how to teach civics in secondary school as a preparation for democratic citizenship. In this study, it is argued that self-efficacy and motivation, in addition to knowledge, are key competence variables that should be studied simultaneously. Five similar causal models are constructed to explore the relationship between the competence variables and various forms of political participation, tolerance and involvement. Five structural equation models (SEMs) are then estimated using LISREL. The main results for the three mediation variables are as follows: self-efficacy is a stronger predictor of motivation and three aspects of political participation than knowledge. Knowledge, on the other hand, is moderately related to motivation, but is a stronger predictor of civic attitudes than self-efficacy, while motivation is a strong predictor of both future participation and civic attitudes. The results thus confirm that competence other than knowledge is vital to civic participation. Finally, the relevance of these results for civic education in upper secondary schools is discussed. It is emphasized that enhancing students’ self-efficacy in the political field (often referred to as ‘internal political efficacy’) may be of equal, if not greater, importance for school education as promoting civic competence.
The context of this article is the new technological environment and the struggle to use meaningful teaching practices in Norwegian schools. Students' critical reflections in two different technological learning environments in six upper secondary schools are compared. Three of these schools offer Internet-connected computers in special computer rooms outside ordinary classrooms, while the three other schools offer laptops to every student in class with a wireless connection to the Internet. The study relies on a quasi-experimental design. Data come from 719 student responses to a survey questionnaire and are analysed using multivariate regression. The findings are that critical reflection is enhanced in classrooms with laptops, controlling for students' motivation, self-efficacy, gender, grades and cultural background. On this basis, computers could have a significant potential for enhancing reflection and nourishing classroom discourse, knowledge development, and student empowerment. Motivation and self-efficacy have the strongest impact, while cultural capital has a minor effect on critical thinking. Students' grades seem to have no predictive power with respect to critical reflection. The results are discussed in relation to theories of Bildung, empowerment and democracy. Various implications for teaching are discussed.
The article focuses on the similarities and differences in using new public management (NPM) administrative arrangements in educational policy as they have been presented in the educational reform process carried out this millennium by two governments in Norway: the Centre–Conservative government and the current Red–Green coalition government. First, key elements in the reform process are identified. The methods applied are selective studies of documents and speeches by policy actors (ministers), and an examination of the implemented policy. Personal communication with the Ministry of Education's Communication Centre and the Norwegian Directorate of Education and Training has provided some additional information. The findings are that there is an overall consensus on the primacy of economic values (at the level of ideas), management by output control, explicit standards, a test system (implemented at the policy level) and an accountability system (implemented at the policy level). Consensus between the two governments on these new institutional arrangements in education seems to be the major trend. However, disagreements over new free/private schools and markets in education are important. It is concluded that there are two versions of NPM policies present – a liberal one advocated by the Centre–Conservative government and a communitarian version advocated by the Red–Green government – and that the major consensus trend between the governments may imply steps towards an ideological hegemony of ideas related to the NPM tradition.
Mentoring of pre-service teachers in their school practicum is vital to integrating different parts of the educational programs and supporting the pre-service teachers to become educational professionals, but for mentors in schools this task often comes on top of the other requirements they face as teachers.In this study, we present findings from a self-report survey completed by 295 mentors in two teacher education institutions in Norway. Using structural equation modelling of cross-sectional survey data, the study explores predictions of the effort mentors put into their work in supporting the development of preservice teachers. The findings indicate that affective commitment predicts mentor's efforts in mentoring and that professional development of mentors through programs designed to develop a professional identity as mentors could enhance their feeling of being teacher educators, and thereby having the willingness to put effort into their jobs as mentors.
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