The current study evaluated connections between marital distress, harsh parenting, and child externalizing behaviors in line with predictions from the Family Stress Model (FSM). Prospective, longitudinal data came from 273 mothers, fathers, and children participating when the child was 2, between 3 to 5, and 6 to 10 years old. Assessments included observational and self-report measures. Information regarding economic hardship and economic pressure were assessed during toddlerhood, and parental emotional distress, couple conflict, and harsh parenting were collected during early childhood. Child externalizing behavior was assessed during both toddlerhood and middle childhood. Results were consistent with predictions from the FSM in that economic hardship led to economic pressure which was associated with parental emotional distress and couple conflict. This conflict was associated with harsh parenting and child problem behavior. This pathway remained statistically significant controlling for externalizing behavior in toddlerhood.
This prospective, longitudinal investigation examined mechanisms proposed to explain continuities in parenting behavior across two generations (G1, G2). Data came from 187 G2 adults, their mothers (G1), and their children (G3). Prospective information regarding G2 was collected both during adolescence and early adulthood. G1 data were collected during G2's adolescence and G3 data were generated during the preschool years. Assessments included both observational and self-report measures. The results indicated a direct relationship between G1 and G2 harsh parenting and between G1 and G2 positive parenting. As predicted, specific mediators accounted for intergenerational continuity in particular types of parenting behavior. G2 externalizing behavior mediated the relationship between G1 and G2 harsh parenting, while G2 academic attainment mediated the relationship between G1 and G2 positive parenting. In addition, the hypothesized mediating pathways remained statistically significant after taking into account possible G2 effects on G1 parenting and G3 effects on G2 parenting.Parenting behavior has been associated with both child competence and child maladjustment (see Collins, Maccoby, Steinberg, Hetherington, & Bornstein, 2000). For example, supportive parenting practices have been linked to higher levels of psychosocial well-being during childhood (Baumrind, 1991;Jones, Forehand, Brody, & Armistead, 2002;Zhou et al., 2002), while harsh and inconsistent parenting has been associated with higher levels of children's externalizing problems (Forman & Davies, 2003; Ge, Brody, Conger, Simons, & Murry, 2002;Pettit, Laird, Dodge, Bates, & Criss, 2001;Shaw et al., 1998). Less is known about how parents come to behave in different ways toward their children. Recent evidence, however, suggests that an important influence on parenting may involve continuities in childrearing practices across generations (Belsky, Jaffee, Sligo, Woodward, & Silva, 2005;Conger, Neppl, Correspondence regarding this manuscript should be addressed to Tricia K. Neppl, Institute for Social and Behavioral Research, Iowa State University, 2625 N. Loop Dr., Suite 500, Ames, IA 50014; tneppl@iastate.edu. The following manuscript is the final accepted manuscript. It has not been subjected to the final copyediting, fact-checking, and proofreading required for formal publication. It is not the definitive, publisher-authenticated version. The American Psychological Association and its Council of Editors disclaim any responsibility or liabilities for errors or omissions of this manuscript version, any version derived from this manuscript by NIH, or other third parties. The published version is available at www.apa.org/journals/dev. NIH Public Access Author ManuscriptDev Psychol. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2010 September 1. NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript Kim, & Scaramella, 2003;Patterson, 1998;Putallaz, Constanzo, Grimes, & Sherman, 1998;Van IJzendoorn, 1992). Despite the growing evidence that the s...
The present study considered the intergenerational consequences of experiencing socioeconomic disadvantage within the family of origin. Specifically, the influence of socioeconomic disadvantage experienced during adolescence on the timing of parenthood as well as the association between early parenthood and risk for harsh parenting and emerging child problem behavior was evaluated. Participants included 154 3-generation families, followed prospectively over a 12-year period. Results indicated that exposure to poverty during adolescence and not parents' (G1) education predicted an earlier age of parenthood in the second generation (G2). Younger G2 parents were observed to be harsher during interactions with their own 2-year old child (G3) and harsh parenting predicted increases in G3 children's externalizing problems from age 2 to age 3. Finally, G3 children's externalizing behavior measured at age 3 predicted increases in harsh parenting from age 3 to 4, suggesting that G3 children's behavior may exacerbate the longitudinal effects of socioeconomic disadvantage.Although children from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds are over identified in terms of rates of antisocial behaviors and emotional problems (e.g., McLoyd, 1998), little research has considered the consequences of economic disadvantage across multiple generations. Despite the lack of empirical research, the consequences of socioeconomic disadvantage likely extend beyond the immediate family to affect subsequent generations of family members (e.g., Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997). For instance, adolescents residing in socioeconomically disadvantaged homes seem to be at increased risk for dropping out of school, engaging in risk-taking behavior, and entering parenthood at an early age (Hardy, et al., 1998;Pears, et al., 2005). The relationship between socioeconomic disadvantage in the family of origin and early parenthood is especially noteworthy inasmuch as an earlier age at first birth is associated with more hostile and less nurturing behavior by parents (Conger, et al., 1984).Correspondence regarding this manuscript should be addressed to Laura Scaramella, University of New Orleans, GP, 2001, New Orleans, LA 70148; phone: 504−280−7481; fax: 504−280−6049; lscarame@uno.edu.. Publisher's Disclaimer: The following manuscript is the final accepted manuscript. It has not been subjected to the final copyediting, fact-checking, and proofreading required for formal publication. It is not the definitive, publisher-authenticated version. The American Psychological Association and its Council of Editors disclaim any responsibility or liabilities for errors or omissions of this manuscript version, any version derived from this manuscript by NIH, or other third parties. The published version is available at http://www.apa.org/journals/fam/ NIH Public Access NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author ManuscriptAdding to the complexity of understanding the intergenerational consequences of socioeconomic disadvantage is actually defin...
This investigation examined intergenerational continuities in both angry, aggressive parenting and also the angry, aggressive behavior of children and adolescents. Data from 75 G2 youth (26 men, 49 women, M = 22-years old), their mothers (G1), and their G3 children (47 boys, 28 girls, M = 2.4-years old) were included in the analyses. The prospective, longitudinal design of the study, which included observational and multiinformant measures, overcame many of the methodological limitations found in much of the earlier research on intergenerational transmission. The results demonstrated a direct connection between observed G1 aggressive parenting and observed G2 aggressive parenting from 5 to 7 years later. G2 aggressive behavior as an adolescent and G3 aggressive behavior as a child were related to parenting behavior but not directly to one another. The results were consistent with a social learning perspective on intergenerational continuities in angry and aggressive behaviors.
Purpose Harsh, abusive and rejecting behavior by parents toward their children is associated with increased risk for many developmental problems for youth. Earlier research also shows that children raised by harsh parents are more likely to treat their own children harshly. The present study sought to identify behaviors of romantic partners that might help break this intergenerational cycle of child mistreatment. Methods Data come from the Family Transitions Project, a 22-year, 3-generation study of a cohort of over 500 early adolescents (G2) grown to adulthood. During adolescence, observers rated G1 harsh parenting to G2. Several years later observers rated G2 harsh parenting toward their oldest child (G3). In addition, G2's romantic partner (spouse or cohabiting) was rated by observers on a range of behaviors expected to affect G2 harsh parenting. Results Romantic partner warmth and positive communication with G2 were associated with less G2 harsh parenting toward G3 (a direct effect) and when these partner behaviors were high, there was no evidence of intergenerational continuity from G1 to G2 harsh parenting. When the partner was low on warmth and communication, intergenerational continuity in harsh parenting significantly increased. G1 harsh parenting slightly decreased the likelihood that G2 would select a positive spouse. Conclusions Romantic partner warmth, support and positive communication appear to provide interpersonal nurturance that disrupts continuity in parental mistreatment of children. As appropriate, preventive interventions should include a focus on spousal or partner behaviors in their educational or treatment programs.
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