To what extent are ethnic identity groups able to influence U.S. foreign policy toward their ancestral homelands? Existing research has resulted in the enumeration of an extensive list of criteria thought to condition ethnic minority influence. In spite of significant progress, however, the literature lacks of systematic test of any of these criteria. The result is a literature that cumulates largely though the addition of new criteria, rather than the reevaluation of existing factors. The current study represents an attempt to develop a test of existing criteria though the application of Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA). Specifically, the study uses QCA to examine six of the most widely cited criteria found in the literature. Results indicate that, of the six criteria, only organizational strength and level of political activity are necessary conditions for successful influence. No individual factors are sufficient causes of influence.
Previous research on the role of ethnic minority interest groups in US foreign policy has resulted in the development of an extensive list of criteria thought to condition ethnic minority influence. Existing case studies, in spite of their significant contribution, leave open the question of which factors, if any, actually drive influence. The result is a foreign policy decision-making puzzle. We know that ethnic minority groups attempt to influence foreign policy. We also know that foreign policy decision makers sometimes choose the option favored by certain ethnic minority groups. What practitioners and scholars alike do not know is whether decision makers make choices because of the efforts of ethnic minority groups. The experimental designs presented in this study offer the opportunity to solve the puzzle by isolating the impact of diasporic interests on foreign policy decision making at the congressional level. Using a hypothetical foreign policy scenario, the study examines the independent and interactive effects of diasporic numerical significance, diasporic mobilization, and cultural similarity on foreign policy decision making. Results indicate that decision makers are highly responsive to diasporic mobilization, but were unresponsive to diasporic numerical significance and cultural similarity. The overall implication is that small, but highly mobilized, ethnic minority interest groups may be able to significantly influence the development of US foreign policy at the congressional level.In 1959, Lawrence H. Fuchs noted, ''Despite general awareness of the mutual impact of foreign affairs and the claims of minority groups, there has been surprisingly little systematic examination of the results of this process'' (161). Several scholars have since responded to Fuch's call for the advancement of knowledge concerning the impact of ethnic minority interest groups on US foreign policy outcomes. However, there remains a great deal of debate concerning the scope and nature of diasporic influence on US foreign policy. Proponents of ethnic minority influence argue that diasporic communities in the United States are Authors' notes: We would like to thank Pat James, the editors of ISQ, and the three anonymous reviewers for their many helpful comments and suggestions.
To what extent are ethnic minority interest groups able to influence U.S. foreign policy? Current case study research has identified several factors that may condition the ability of diasporic groups to influence foreign policy toward ancestral "homelands." To this point, existing studies have been unable to isolate the impact of campaign contributions from other factors that may influence U.S. foreign policy decision making. The current study uses a combination of conditional and standard logistic regression to examine the impact of Cuban American interest group and individual campaign contributions on a series of votes on key amendments in the 108 th and 109 th Congresses. Results from the study support the idea that the Cuban diasporic community in the United States has had an impact on U.S. foreign policy toward Cuba. However, there are significant limits to this influence conditioned in part by issue salience.
Several scholars have noted intergenerational differences between members of diasporic communities in the United States as a potential source of weakening strength among identity-based interest groups. For example, changing attitudes amongst the children and grandchildren of Cuban exiles in the US have been cited as sources of some recent changes in American foreign policy toward Cuba. One way for existing elites within diasporic interest groups to reach out to new generations of potential activists is through the use of social media outlets such as Facebook and Twitter. Scholars, to this point, have largely ignored the use of social networking by ethnic identity interests in the US. This article examines the use of social media by ethnic identity interest groups as an important new tool in this regard. Specifically, it attempts for the first time to measure the level of involvement in social media advocacy in a systematic matter. Results indicate that the most powerful ethnic identity groups in the US are also the most likely to have an active social media presence. In addition, groups that are ‘generationally challenged’ do not appear to be using social media to address this issue.
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