This article investigates the way mainstream social theories of trust can help us understand how trust in food is produced and maintained in modern and late-or postmodern societies. In the first section, the author identifies and discusses three theoretical bases for trust in food: emotional, habitual and reflexive trust. He puts a particular emphasis on habitual trust, and explores four different bases for habitual trust -community, rational organization, policy and systems of knowledge -discussing their importance for trust in food. In the second section, the author examines how these bases come together to produce trust in food in traditional, modern and late-or postmodern societies, respectively. Finally, Bildtgård argues that certification schemes can be perceived as a technique for producing trust in food that is particularly well suited to late-modern/postmodern societies.Résumé. Dans cet article, l'auteur se demande en quoi les théories sociales courantes sur la confiance peuvent nous aider à comprendre comment se construit et se maintient la confiance en l'alimentation dans les sociétés modernes, modernes avancées et postmodernes. Dans la première partie, l'auteur passe en revue et évalue trois bases théoriques de la confiance en ce que l'on mange, à savoir, la confiance émotionnelle, la confiance par habitude et la confiance réflexive. L'auteur met tout particulièrement l'accent sur la confiance par habitude en en explorant quatre fondements différents --la communauté, l'organisation rationnelle, la politique et les systèmes de connaissance --et en en discutant l'importance pour la confiance en l'alimentation. Dans la seconde partie, l'auteur étudie comment ces quatre fondements créent ensemble les conditions de la confiance en l'alimentation dans les sociétés traditionnelles, modernes avancées et postSocial Science Information
Although mobility in and out of intimate relationships has become more common in later life, it has been a neglected issue in social gerontology. In this article, we ask what characterises the formation of new intimate relationships in later life, and whether there are any specific conditions that separate these from relationships in earlier stages of the lifecourse. On the basis of qualitative interviews with 28 persons aged 63–91 who have established a new intimate heterosexual relationship after the age of 60 or who are dating singles, we argue that time constitutes such a central structuring condition. We discuss and theorise two aspects of time – post-(re)productive free time and remaining time – which have an important formative power on new late-in-life relationships. We argue that together these aspects form a central existential structure of ageing in many Western societies – the paradoxical condition of having lots of available free time but little time left in life – which, besides influencing new late-in-life relationships, might also be relevant to other aspects of and choices in later life.
This chapter bridges the macro–micro gap by showing how the historical transformation of intimacy is reflected in older individuals’ relationship careers. The chapter challenges the idea that current generations of older people have normally lived their lives in single lifelong marriages ending in widowhood and shows the complexity of their relationship careers. It discusses the consequences of prior relationship experiences on interest in, and preferences for, late-life intimacy. It discusses the different implications of being widowed versus divorced for interest in repartnering. Finally, it focuses on the different biographical relationship experiences of women and men and how they impact on the interest for repartnering in later life. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the presented findings in relation to the deinstitutionalisation of the life course. Extensive biographical case descriptions are used to give the reader an understanding of what it means to have lived one’s life during the historical transition to divorce culture.
Where is food 'good to think'? This comparative study describes the mental foodscapes of Swedish and French people by asking them to say where, in time and space, they would go to in order to eat well. Both the Swedish and French respondents say they would avoid the US and fast-food establishments in order to eat well, but while the French in general point inward, toward the countryside of their region a couple of decades ago, the Swedes, in their choices, want to go far away, to the Mediterranean region, South-east Asia or an abstract wilderness. The article argues that the reason for these differences is that consumers in these two countries use different dominant rationalities to judge the food of different places -a nutritional rationality in Sweden and a rationality of origin in France -and it proceeds to identify the politico-historical roots of these rationalities. Finally, it argues that while each rationality makes a certain set of food and place qualities cognizable and judgeable, others, such as exotic foods in France and conviviality in Sweden, are left non-cognizable and difficult to judge. RésuméOù la nourriture est-elle 'bonne à penser'? Cette étude comparative décrit les paysages alimentaires mentaux des Suédois et des Français en les interrogeant sur l'endroit et l'espace où ils se rendraient dans le but de bien manger. Les Suédois comme les Français affirment qu'ils éviteraient les Etats-Unis et les restaurants 'fast food' pour bien manger, mais alors que les Français désignent généralement leur propre territoire, leurs terroirs, les Suédois, eux, veulent aller au loin, dans les régions méditerranéennes, en Asie du
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