In the past two decades, Indonesia has become more active in humanitarian affairs, despite a preoccupation with natural hazards and political hurdles at home. In so doing, the Indonesian government employs “humanitarianism as diplomacy” — humanitarian action to promote its national interests — instead of deploying its efforts under a narrow understanding of humanitarianism. This is demonstrated in the country's humanitarian foci, which form part of its leadership ambitions in resolving crises in ASEAN and in supporting Muslim communities globally. As such, the Indonesian government's contributions are more pronounced in cases which promote Indonesia's regional and global leadership, such as in the Rohingya crisis and the Palestine issue. Indonesia also actively participates in disaster mitigation efforts in disaster-prone countries, which expands its international presence beyond ASEAN and the Middle East. This article identifies the foundation of Indonesia's humanitarianism and its key drivers, humanitarian contributions, and captures the involvement of state and non-state actors in such engagements.
This article examines Indonesia’s perceptions, strategies and policies towards the USA and China under the presidencies of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004–2014) and Joko Widodo’s first term and early second term (2014–2020). It argues that on a strategic level, Indonesia’s behaviours are in line with structural realist principles, where it adopts a prudent approach of maintaining its strategic autonomy. However, deviations from structural realism are identified in the operationalisation of this strategy into specific foreign and security policies. This article explains such deviations by employing Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow’s models of decision-making, and argues that such suboptimal policies are driven by two domestic political factors, namely, organisational behaviour and governmental politics. Specifically, the article highlights two key tendencies: (a) that policy makers tend to stick to some a priori guidelines within their organisations, despite changes in external pressures; and (b) that policies tend to be by-products of competition between government organisations. In Indonesia–China relations, these tendencies are most apparent in Indonesia’s approach in the South China Sea, where policies and narratives articulated by the government have been largely stagnant, despite increased intensity of China’s activities in Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone. With regard to the USA, these factors manifest in the lack of tangible progress in defence and security cooperation between the two countries, due to a static interpretation of Indonesia’s Free and Active foreign policy maxim.
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