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Introduction Streptococcus pneumoniae is a leading cause of bacterial infections and leads to 1.5 million hospitalizations annually. Vaccinations are one of the most important and cost‐effective tools available in healthcare to prevent infectious diseases. However, gaps still exist between what is recommended and actual vaccination rates in the United States. Objective The primary objective of this study was to assess the impact of a newly implemented pharmacist‐led pneumococcal vaccination outreach program on overall PPSV23 rates in the primary care setting. Methods This was a retrospective, quasi‐experimental study conducted following the implementation of a newly developed, pharmacist‐led, vaccination outreach program as part of a novel standard of care practice implemented in two primary care offices. Pharmacists provided direct patient outreach through telephone calls to all patients deemed eligible for PPSV23 that met inclusion criteria. Pharmacists provided counseling on PPSV23 and action steps to receive the vaccine at the office through appointment. The primary outcome of change in vaccination rates was assessed 90 days after patient outreach. Secondary outcomes assessed feasibility, common barriers to vaccination, coadministration with influenza vaccination, and revenue changes. Results A total of 762 patients were contacted under the outreach program. Overall PPSV23 vaccination rates significantly increased following the implementation of the pharmacist‐led vaccination outreach program (54.1% vs 60.5%, P < 0.001). Of the 398 patients reached, 38.9% accepted the recommendation for PPSV23 and 66.5% of those patients had confirmed administration. Approximate revenue generation secondary to the program was $5568.85. Conclusion A pharmacist‐led PPSV23 vaccination outreach program significantly increased the rate of PPSV23 vaccination in two primary care offices, leading to improved compliance with national vaccination recommendations and revenue generation.

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In October 2011, graphic images of a blood-stained and dead Muammar Gaddafi were sent around the internet. For some time after his death, his dead body was displayed at a house in Misrat, where masses of people queued to see it. His corpse provided a focus for the Libyan people, as proof that he really was dead and could finally be dominated. When Osama bin Laden was killed by the American military in May that same year, unlike Gaddafi, the body was absent, but the absence was significant. Shortly after he was killed a decision was taken not to show pictures of the dead body and it was buried at sea. The American military appear to have been concerned it would become a physical site for his supporters to congregate, and the photographs used by different sides in a propaganda war. Both cases reflect an aim to control the dead body and associated meanings with the person; that is not unusual: after the Nuremberg trials, the Allied authorities cremated Hermann Göring—who committed suicide prior to his scheduled hanging—so that his grave would not become a place of worship for Nazi sympathizers. These examples should remind us that dead bodies have longer lives than is at first obvious. They are central to rituals of mourning, but beyond this, throughout history, they have also played a role in political battles and provided a—sometimes contested—focus for reconciliation and remembrance. They have political and social capital and are objects with symbolic potential. In The Political Lives of Dead Bodies the anthropologist Katherine Verdery explores the way the dead body has been used in this way and why it is particularly effective. Firstly, she observes, human remains are effective symbolic objects because their meaning is ambiguous; that is whilst their associated meanings are contingent on a number of factors, including the individual and the cultural context, they are not fixed and are open to interpretation and manipulation: ‘Remains are concrete, yet protean; they do not have a single meaning but are open to many different readings’ (Verdery 1999: 28).