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Mannan-binding lectin (MBL) is a plasma protein which, upon binding to microbial carbohydrate structures, elicits activation of the complement system. The level of MBL is genetically determined. It has been reported that the frequency of low plasma levels of MBL is increased in patients with unexplained recurrent miscarriages (RM). In the present study plasma MBL levels were determined in 146 Danish women with RM and 41 of their husbands together with 49 Scottish RM women and 41 of their husbands. In both countries MBL levels were also investigated in a total of 444 controls. Based on the control data, a cut-off MBL level < 50 ng/ml was selected to define MBL deficiency. The typical odds ratio for MBL deficiency among female patients in the two populations was 1.68 (95% confidence limits 1.01-2.80, P<0.05) whereas it was 1.57 (95% confidence limits 0.72-3.42, not significant) for the male partners of the patients. There was a significant correlation between the frequency of MBL deficiency in RM women and the number of previous miscarriages (P < 0.01), whereas no such correlation was found in the husbands. The results indicate that maternal MBL deficiency is associated with RM. Maternal MBL deficiency might impair the immune defence against microorganisms at the feto-maternal interface.

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The external borders of the European Union (EU) are becoming increasingly difficult to delineate as it exports policies to states beyond its own membership. While the EU possesses a clearly defined membership, its borders are `fuzzy'. The purpose of this paper is to consider the impact of these `fuzzy' borders on the EU's neighbours - and its resulting `fuzzy' politics. Two case studies are considered: the Baltic States and the Mediterranean. In each, the authors seek to assess the impact of EU relations with these two regions. Four tentative conclusions are drawn. First, the EU is indeed surrounded by regions that can be regarded as intermediate spaces between the inside and outside of the Union, and these regions have indeed become the targets of significant `policy-export'. Over time, the EU has developed substantial interests and significant influence in what can be called the `near abroad'. Second, the EU does not possess a coherent policy of dealing with this `near abroad'. An uneasy mix of initiatives often contradicts the stated goal of region-to-region relations. Third, EU relations with the two regions actually appear to serve rather opposing functions - simultaneously facilitating enlargement and non-enlargement. Finally, the regional impact of EU policies varies considerably as a consequence of the different geo-political and institutional context in the two regions.

Traditionally, much of the focus of the study of politics has been on formal arrangements and formal institutions. In recent years, however, this dominant focus has given way to an increasing concern with informal aspects of politics. This can be said for both the study of comparative politics and international relations more generally and for research on governance within the European Union in particular. Against this background, the aim of this research note is, first, to review the findings of research on informal governance and, second, to explore whether analytical concepts can be applied to the EU, with the aim of bringing greater conceptual clarity to the field and identifying future research agendas in this area. In a final section, the article also addresses the normative dimension of informal governance in the EU, discussing both the benefits and the risks of such arrangements from the perspective of transparency, efficiency and democratic accountability.

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