Scientific interest in political ads has been growing in recent years and has fuelled an important body of research, focusing mostly on the United States. Yet many issues associated with the impacts and contents of electoral ads remain unexplored, especially within the Canadian context. This article investigates the immediate and simultaneous effects of positive, negative, and mixed-content electoral ads. It presents data drawn from a series of pre-tests of an experimental design carried out with 31 voters during the Canadian federal election of 2011. Participants viewed ads selected for their argumentative content and nonverbal components. The impacts of the ads were tested using an innovative multimethod approach combining physiological and cognitive measures. Among its contributions, this novel method helped generate a more nuanced and precise evaluation of the effects of negative advertising on viewers.Bien que le nombre d’études portant sur la publicité électorale—pour la plupart américaines—se soit considérablement accru ces dernière sannées, plusieurs aspects restent inexplorés, particulièrement eu égard aux campagnes canadiennes. L’objectif de cette étude est d’évaluer l’impact immédiat et simultané de publicités électorales télévisées (négatives, positives et mixtes). Ces publicités ont été analysées en tenant compte du contenu argumentaire, mais aussi des éléments non-verbaux qui leur sont inhérents. Une approche pluri-méthodologique combinant des mesures physiologiques et cognitives dans un contexte expérimental a notamment permis de mettre en exergue l’importance des mesures combinées pour une compréhension plus nuancée des effets de la publicité électorale négative. Les résultats présentés dans cet article sont issus des pré-tests menés auprès de 31 électeurs durant la dernière campagne électorale fédérale canadienne de 2011.
Résumé.De mars 2006 à décembre 2007, le Québec a été secoué par un débat sociétal sur la question de la gestion de la diversité culturelle. Cette «crise» aurait été alimentée par untsunami médiatiquetraitant de divers cas d'accommodements juridiques ou d'ajustements administratifs accordés dans les services publics à des citoyens québécois issus de l'immigration dans la grande région de Montréal (Giasson et coll., 2008). Par le biais d'une couverture étendue, les médias ont attiré l'attention de la population sur ces pratiques d'accommodement. L'article présente les données exploratoires d'une analyse de contenu de la couverture faite par onze journaux québécois du climat de l'opinion des Québécois en matière de diversité et d'immigration pendant la phase intensive de développement du débat. L'étude montre que dans leur analyse des sondages d'opinion et dans la présentation générale des tendances de l'opinion publique sur les accommodements raisonnables, les journaux ont mis l'accent sur l'évaluation du malaise des répondants envers l'immigration et la diversité religieuse plutôt que sur l'ouverture de la population québécoise envers la diversité et sur l'apport social de l'immigration, renforçant ainsi davantage l'impression populaire qu'une crise sociale majeure se déroulait et qu'il existait un fossé entre les Québécois «de souche», les Québécois issus de l'immigration et les autres Canadiens.Abstract.From March 2006 to December 2007, the province of Quebec experienced a contentious public debate on diversity. The “crisis” was fueled by a “media tsunami” during which news outlets actively reported on numerous cases of reasonable accommodation practices or administrative agreements in public services granted in the Greater Montreal region to citizens of immigrant background (Giasson et al., 2008). Through this extensive coverage, the media brought these instances of accommodation to the public's attention. The research studies the press coverage that 11 daily newspapers dedicated to the state of public opinion in Quebec during the active and intense development phase of the “crisis”. The study shows that in their analysis of polls and their general framing of the mood of public opinion towards reasonable accommodation, newspapers focused mostly on the malaise in the population toward immigration and religious diversity rather than on its openness to diversity and to the positive social outcomes of immigration. In doing so, the media further anchored the popular impression that a serious social crisis was ongoing and that a wide gap in tolerance existed between Francophone Quebeckers, Quebeckers of recent immigrant background and other Canadians.
This article investigates the extent to which provincial political parties made use of social media in their strategy, organization and communication in order to achieve their electoral goals during the Quebec 2012 general election. Using data from a series of 19 interviews conducted with online strategists and campaign directors from the five leading parties active in the 2012 election, we identify the strategic objectives these organizations followed when developing their social media campaigns. The strategists' narratives reveal that social media became a central component of electioneering and that parties were carrying out, in various forms, hybrid campaigns that combined traditional and emergent communication technologies and employed both old and new types of organizational principles.
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