Em adição a essa reação, houve a institucionalização da participação cidadã na política através de sua inclusão na agenda constitucional.A Constituição Brasileira de 1988, em seu artigo 14, reconhece que a soberania popular pode ser exercida não apenas pelo voto, mas também por meio de alternativas que
RESUMOEste artigo busca analisar o Orçamento Participativo da região metropolitana de Lima, Peru, observando as dinâmicas deste espaço em relação à sua estrutura de funcionamento,ao seu processo de participação e aos resultados ali obtidos, com uma análise comparativa dos processos ocorridos entre os anos de 2011 e 2015. No embate entre o crescimento deste modelo de participação cidadã e as frágeis estruturas democráticas latinoamericanas, cada país esboçou uma trajetória, tendo o Peru se destacado devido à implantação obrigatória desta política participativa em todas as suas instâncias de governos. Entendemos que há, aqui, uma concreta possibilidade de aprimoramento dessa política, devido ao embate obrigatório dentro da arena política em disputa, mesmo em contextos políticos adversos à participação. Assim, buscamos entender as particularidades deste caso específico dentro do modelo peruano em relação à sua obrigatoriedade institucional, a partir do estudo de caso do processo limenho, verificando se existe, ali, uma ampliação da participação cidadã, tanto de forma direta quanto residual, mesmo em contextos políticos não entusiastas de tal disposição. Palavras-chave: Orçamento Participativo. Peru.Participação Cidadã. América Latina. ABSTRACTThis paper aims to analyze the Participatory Budget of the metropolitan area of Lima, Peru, observing the dynamics of this space in relation to its structure of operation, participation process and results obtained, with a comparative analysis of the processes that took place between the years of 2011 and 2015. In the struggle between the growth of this model of citizen participation and the fragile Latin American democratic structures, each country has traced its course, and Peru has stood out due to the mandatory implementation of this participatory policy in all of its levels of government. We understand that there is a concrete possibility of improving this policy, due to the compulsory clash within the political arena in dispute, even in political contexts that are adverse to participation. Thus, we aim to understand the particularities of this specific case inside the Peruvian model in relation to its institutional obligatoriness, with a case study of the Lima process, verifying if there is an expansion of citizen participation, both directly or residual, even in political contexts not enthusiastic about participation. Keywords: Participatory Budgeting. Peru. Citizen Participation.Latin America. RESUMENEste artículo busca analizar el Presupuesto Participativo de la región metropolitana de Lima, Perú, observando las dinámicas de este espacio en relación a su estructura de funcionamiento, a su proceso de participación y los resultados allí obtenidos, con un análisis comparativo de los procesos ocurridos entre los años de 2011 y 2015. En el enfrentamiento entre el crecimiento de este modelo de participación ciudadana y las frágiles estructuras democráticas latinoamericanas, cada país esbozó una trayectoria, teniendo a Perú destacado debido a la implantación obligatoria de e...
Democracy is, ideally, an equality fostering tool in face of different demands present in any given society and that currently is put in practice by a representative democratic model. Nevertheless, several modern thinkers are pointing to an unmeasured scale of interests within the representation spheres, in which the most powerful society’s sectors overcome the less influential social and economical groups, turning democratic representation into an uneven scheme. By having this in mind, this reflection is aimed to make an analysis of the Brazilian democratic representation model, specifically in relation to its majoritarian government composition, that, in this country, is part of a unique legislative model named as “Coalition Presidentialism”. At the composition idealized by the Brazilian National Constitution, the federal parliamentary ministers have the responsibility for the formulation of laws as well as monitoring the executive power in consonance with the will of the society’s sectors that has got them elected by the voting system. The conflict is established though, when the actual governmental practices leave aside the constitutional principle of a plural representation in consequence of economic and power interests that act independently from the diverse interests and needs of other groups belonging to the Brazilian society. It can be argued that the establishment of governmental practices better aligned to the concept of global justice, in the Brazilian case, can be achieved by a better quality democracy, through adequate governance mechanisms and plural representation practices that are capable of attending the distinct demands of diverse society layers. Thus, this article is aimed to present how the Brazilian democratic representation works, exploring its conflicts and deployments and mainly its divergences in relation to the democratic morality that presupposes the existence of gradated ways to the reaching of higher social and political equality levels, closer to the general global justice ideas.
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