The lexical and phrasal dimensions of aspect and their interactions with morphosyntactic aspectual operators have proved difficult to model in Bantu languages. Bantu actional types do not map neatly onto commonly accepted categorizations of actionality, although these are frequently assumed to be universal and based on real-world event typologies. In this paper, we describe important characteristics and major actional distinctions attested across Bantu languages. These, we argue, include complex lexicalizations consisting of a coming-to-be phase, the ensuing state change, and the resultant state; sub-distinctions of coming-to-be phases, and other issues of phasal quality. Despite these fine-grained distinctions in phasal structure and quality, evidence for a principled distinction between activity- and accomplishment-like predicates is mixed. We review the current state of evidence for these characteristics of Bantu actionality and sketch methodological directions for future research.
This paper describes the interplay of lexical and grammatical aspect with other grammatical phenomena in the interpretation of the aspectual suffix ‑ile (which we analyse as Perfective) in isiNdebele, a Nguni Bantu language spoken in South Africa. Crucial other phenomena include constituency-related factors such as the conjoint-disjoint distinction and (related) penultimate lengthening, along with morphophonological conditions that trigger different forms of ‑ile. These factors appear to interact differently in isiNdebele than they do in closely related Zulu, suggesting two different paths of grammaticalization, which we argue can change the interpretation of markers of grammatical aspect as they interact with lexical aspectual classes.
Le suffixe -ile, commun dans les langues bantu, présente dans de nombreuses langues et particulièrement dans les langues du groupe appelé Bantu Botatwe, des problèmes interprétatifs complexes. Ces dernières langues, tout en montrant que le suffixe a suivi une trajectoire de grammaticalisation assez commune, allant du résultatif à l’antérieur, au perfectif ou au passé simple, montrent aussi que le suffixe y assume de nombreuses fonctions dans la structure informative. Ainsi en totela (K41), le suffixe assume un rôle essentiel pour la pertinence du discours, alors qu’en tonga (M64), sa présence contredit ou corrige une proposition du contexte discursif. Le présent article soutient l’hypothèse selon laquelle ces fonctions et toutes celles que présente -ile dans le groupe Bantu Botatwe, peuvent être dérivées à partir d’une origine résultative et que, pour la reconstruction sémantique de -ile en bantu, il devrait être tenu compte de la nature pragmatique et structurante du résultatif lui-même.
Most Totela tense, aspect, and mood forms take one of three patterns of melodic H tones. In the first pattern, only lexical Hs are present. In the second, a melodic H surfaces on the first stem mora, barring interference from general tone constraints such as Meeussen’s Rule. In the third pattern, the melodic H surfaces on the penultimate mora of the stem. Melodic H assignment is also conditioned by prohibitions against two adjacent Hs in the output. All tone melodies in Totela are affected by across‑the‑board application of H‑tone anticipation, in which Hs shift one syllable to the left. In this paper, the three major tone patterns are presented, along with their variations and interactions with other tonal processes. Several minor patterns are also described.
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