A diachronic analysis of Lusoga infinitivesIn this section we begin by considering the tones on affirmative infinitives, as these reveal the central properties of the tone system in a rather straightforward way. Since there are several ways to interpret Lusoga tone synchronically, the discussion in this section will account for the data in terms of the historical tonal changes that have taken place since pre-proto-Luganda-Lusoga. I will therefore start with a synchronic analysis of /H/ vs. Ø which corresponds to Proto-Bantu *H and *L, after which a different analysis will be proposed in §3.As seen in the two tone patterns in (1), Lusoga is like most Bantu languages in distinguishing two lexical tone patterns in infinitives. As indicated, these tone patterns correspond with *L or *H tone in Proto-Bantu: 2(1)hear' ò-kú-lúmúk-á 'to run away' ò-kú-sèkùl-á 'to pound' 4σ ò-kú-súmúlúl-á 'to untie' ò-kú-kàlàkát-á 'to scrape' ò-kú-kálírír-á 'to grill' ò-kú-fùkàmír-á 'to kneel' 5σ ò-kú-lágír-ágán-á 'to command e.o.' ò-kú-ghùlìr-ágán-á 'to hear e.o.' ò-kú-súmúlúl-ír-á 'to untie for (s.o.)' ò-kú-kàlàkát-ír-á 'to scrape for (s.o.)' STEM = H n STEM = L((L)H n )requirement, or 2LTR. The forms in (2) whose first syllable has a long vowel (VV) show that the two L tone requirement is a property of moras, not syllables:(2) 2σ ò-kú-zíík-á 'to bury' ò-kú-lèèt-á 'to bring' ò-kú-túúnd-á 'to sell' ò-kú-tùùng-á 'to weave' 3σ ò-kú-súúbír-á 'to hope' ò-kú-fàànán-á 'to resemble' ò-kú-táándík-á 'to begin' ò-kú-tààmbúl-á 'to walk' 4σ ò-kú-yáándúlúz-á 'to spread out' ò-kú-fùùdhúlúlá 'to spit out' ò-kú-dóóndólím-á 'to make idle talk' ò-kú-sààndúkúl-á 'to uncover'We thus obtain forms such as ò-kú-fàànán-á 'to resemble', rather than *ò-kú-fàànàn-á, where the two L tones would be counting syllables. However, if the first syllable is short and the second long, the whole of the second syllable (and hence three moras) will be affected:(3) 3σ ò-kú-támíír-á 'to become drunk' ò-kú-tègèèr-á 'to know' ò-kú-kólóót-á 'to purr' ò-kú-dàlàànd-á 'to climb' 4σ ò-kú-dóbóónkán-á 'to get spoiled' ò-kú-sèrèèngétá 'to roll down' ò-kú-kólóót-ír-á 'to purr for (s.o.)' ò-kú-mèsùùnkán-á 'to be shiny' This is because Lusoga does not allow LH rising tone syllables (*ò-kú-tègèér-á etc.). Finally, note that when the verb root begins with a vowel, the -kú-V-sequence becomes -kw-VV-, with the /u/ gliding to [w] and the root-initial vowel undergoing compensatory lengthening, e.g. /o-ku-ey-a/ → ò-kw-ééy-á 'to sweep'. As seen in the forms on the right in (4), where a HL falling tone results, the L of the bimoraic syllable counts in calculating one of the two L tone moras:(4) 2σ ò-kw-ééy-á 'to sweep' ò-kw-éèt-á 'to call' ò-kw-íídh-á 'to come' ò-kw-íìt-á 'to kill' 3σ ò-kw-óógér-á 'to speak' ò-kw-íìnìk-á 'to dip, immerse' ò-kw-íígál-á 'to close' ò-kw-íìngìr-á 'to enter' 4σ ò-kw-íídhúkír-á 'to remember' ò-kw-áàsìmúl-á 'to sneeze' ò-kw-áásííkán-á 'to scream' ò-kw-áàgàànán-á 'to meet, find'Having established these patterns, we now turn to their interpretation. First, we note that the L...