This study meta-analyzes 23 independent studies that included information from 28,265 homicide offenders across nine countries. On average, 48% of homicide offenders were reportedly under the influence of alcohol at the time of the offense and 37% were intoxicated. We found no demographic variations across age, gender, or race, although the proportion testing positive within the United States appears to be decreasing over time. Further, the proportion of offenders who were under the influence of alcohol was lower among those who committed the homicide with a firearm. Communities that have high homicide rates should work to reduce alcohol consumption rates.

Alcohol toxicology test results remain an important method for measuring the success of efforts to manage the consequences of alcohol. However, future toxicology studies should focus upon collecting information on evidence processing time, establishing measurement standards for reporting data and ensuring that subgroup estimates are included for purposes of cross-site comparisons.

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Aim To synthesize the results of marijuana, cocaine and opiate drug toxicology studies of homicide victims and examine variation in results across person and setting characteristics. Methods A meta-analysis of 18 independent studies identified from an extensive review of 239 published articles that met the inclusion criteria of reporting marijuana, cocaine and/or opiate toxicology test results for homicide victims. A total of 28 868 toxicology test results derived from 30 482 homicide victims across five countries were examined. Results On average, 6% of homicide victims tested positive for marijuana, 11% tested positive for cocaine, and 5% tested positive for opiates. The proportion of homicide victims testing positive for illicit drugs has increased over time. Age had a strong curvilinear relationship with toxicology test results, but gender differences were not apparent. Hispanic and African American homicide victims were more likely to test positive for cocaine; Caucasians were most likely to test positive for opiates. Cocaine use appeared to be related to increased risk of death from a firearm and was a greater risk factor for violent victimization in the United States than in Newfoundland and Scandinavia. Conclusion There are relatively few studies of illicit drug toxicology reports from homicide victims that allow for cross-cultural comparisons. This study provides a basis for comparing future local toxicology test results to estimates from existing research.

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Sexual harassment of college students may lead to more serious forms of sexual assault. Few studies have investigated sexual harassment predictors framed within competing theoretical perspectives. In this study, the literature is extended by examining (a) three types of sexual harassment on a college campus, (b) the nature of reporting, and (c) whether routine activities and self-control theories effectively explain sexual harassment. Findings indicate that one fourth of the participants in the sample were sexually harassed, assaulted students are extremely unlikely to officially report incidents, and measures of routine activities theory are important predictors of sexual harassment. Prevention and education policies should focus on increased reporting to university authorities and helping students understand the situational contexts in which these behaviors are likely to occur.

The requirement to submit to drug testing is either a standard or special condition of adult community correctional supervision in most jurisdictions. Positive drug test results are one of the most common violations of probation that result in official action by a supervising officer. This study examines the relationship between individual characteristics, drug test results, and federal supervision outcomes. Results indicate that individual risk score and offense category are associated with positive drug tests. Furthermore, testing positive for hard drugs is associated with revocation for new crimes and non-drug technical violations, but testing positive for cannabis only is not associated with supervision revocation for either reason.

The study draws attention to the importance of considering and controlling for caffeine and the interactive effects between caffeine and alcohol when investigating aggressive and violent behavior. Various pathways between caffeine and alcohol consumption and aggression and violence are examined. Given recent changes in preferences and availability of caffeine and energy drinks among licit and illicit substance users, this study argues for the importance of focusing research attention on the role of caffeine, particularly when combined with alcohol, in facilitating violent outcomes. Evidence suggests that both caffeine and alcohol are linked to aggression and violence and that both substances should be considered within the context of our efforts to manage the negative consequences of drugs. Caffeine, via energy drink consumption, may contribute to violent offending and victimization in a variety of ways. Evidence suggests that caffeine/energy drink consumption is popular among a subculture of toxic jock users, may motivate and facilitate increased alcohol consumption particularly in late night-time economies, and can potentially contribute to disrupted decision-making. Recent increases in caffeinated-product availability, marketing, and consumption necessitate focused research and policy attention. Many of these products are consumed with alcohol and/or in late evening settings by individuals that are already at increased risk for violent offending and victimization.