This paper discusses participatory processes in wildland fire management (WFM). Participation is an essential element of both the European Sustainable Development (SD) Strategy and the White Paper on Governance. Governance and SD have thus become an interconnected challenge to be applied to WFM (as a sub-area in forest policy), amongst other policies. An overspread weakness in WFM is lack of real participation of stakeholders. Absence of (or deficient) participation can seriously impair contribution of this group to WFM in high-risk areas and runs counter governance and the SDS. Further, this weakness might prevent an efficient use of fire as a land management tool (prescribed burning, PB) and as a technique for fighting wildfire (suppression fire, SF). Even though these fire practices have been well known in many different places, they have been increasingly neglected or prohibited over time in Southern Europe. At present, forest and fire fighting administrations are turning their eyes back on them and analyzing the benefits of using fire in relation to preventive and suppressive actions. Therefore, participatory and diffusion mechanisms (the latter adopting the shape of national and international experts' networks) are required in order to solve the socalled fire paradox: that is, the need to move from a one-dimensional perception of the negative impacts of fire to a more sophisticated one that also stresses its positive effects. Governance, based on broad social participation, and diffusion, through fire networks, are of utmost importance in order, first, to diminish long-standing suspicion amongst different interests as to the use of fire and, secondly, to diffuse best practices associated with PB and SF. Most importantly, the EU should exercise its Foundation project: This paper has to be framed within the FIRE
Diferencias de género • Legisladores • Mujeres • Órganos Legislativos • Representación política ResumenEste trabajo analiza la evolución de la proporción de mujeres en los 17 parlamentos regionales españoles desde 1980 hasta 2011. En línea con el argumento de la masa crítica en su versión de representación descriptiva, se pone a prueba si, una vez se llega a un umbral del 30% de parlamentarias, la proporción de éstas no cae por debajo de dicho umbral. Se contrastan a continuación dos hipótesis acerca de la presencia política de las mujeres: la que defi ende que la experiencia parlamentaria ('incumbency') reduce las diferencias de género en las expectativas de conseguir un escaño; y la que afi rma que las mujeres son relegadas a posiciones de escasa infl uencia en el legislativo. Key words Gender Differences • Legislators • Women • Legislative Bodies • Political Representation AbstractThis article analyzes the evolution in the proportion of women representatives in the 17 Spanish regional chambers along 1980-2011. We test whether the attainment of the 'critical' threshold of 30% of women in a chamber implies that the share of women is not going to fall below this threshold. Two hypotheses about the political presence of women are then tested: parliamentary experience reduces gender differences in the prospects of obtaining a seat; and women are confi ned to less infl uential political positions in the legislative. Cómo citarSantana, Andrés; Coller, Xavier y Aguilar, Susana (2015). «Las parlamentarias regionales en España: masa crítica, experiencia parlamentaria e infl uencia política». (IPU, www.ipu.org). A pesar del aumento en la proporción de parlamentarias, aún existe una diferencia importante entre su presencia política y demográfi ca -a nivel mundial, apenas hay una por cada cuatro parlamentarios-. Por lo tanto, la constatación de que «los números siguen siendo enormemente no proporcionales… y en muchas partes del mundo la representación [femenina] no deja de ser sino una pincelada en un paisaje político masculino» (Reynolds, 1999: 547) sigue plenamente vigente. Además, el éxito en la incorporación de mujeres esconde importantes diferencias interregionales: según datos de IPU de diciembre de 2013, las disparidades oscilan desde el 42,0% en los países nórdicos al 13,1% en el Pacífi co (en 1997, la mayor brecha se daba entre el 35,9% en los países nórdicos y el 3,7% en los Estados árabes).La medida de la diferencia viene dada por la proporción de representantes mujeres en las cámaras y por su evolución. Esta panorá-mica del poder legislativo es lo que Pitkin (1967) identifi có como representación descriptiva. Para algunos autores (Schwindt-Ba-1 La información se extrae de la base de datos BAPOLAU, que contiene información sobre las personas que han ocupado un escaño en cualquier parlamento autonómico español entre 1980 y 2011. Recoge información sobre sexo, lugar de nacimiento, edad, estudios, profesión, partido político y permanencia en la cámara. La construcción de BAPOLAU ha sido posible gracias a la fi ...
This article analyzes the relationship between parties and the representation of women in Spanish subnational legislatures. We argue that studies on party ideology and gender have generally failed to (a) acknowledge the effect of electoral time: the left started to recruit women earlier, when their number was low and they were mainly perceived as liabilities; and (b) distinguish between two different party mechanisms: parties can be gate openers and ease the access of newcomers to the legislature, and they can be career promoters, which facilitate the parliamentary continuity of incumbents. Drawing on a database containing comprehensive information about the population of regional members of parliament (MPs) (N = 5,353) in 138 elections and focusing on the two most prominent parties, the conservative People's Party and the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party), we test the hypothesis that left-wing parties outperform right-wing parties concerning gender representation. Our statistical analyses show that electoral time blurs the effect of ideology on the share of women MPs. Once time is controlled for, the socialists emerge as systematically recruiting more women. Concerning the two mechanisms, the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party fares better as a gate opener, while the People's Party, unexpectedly, excels as a career promoter.
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