Linguistic diversity, now and in the past, is widely regarded to be independent of biological changes that took place after the emergence ofHomo sapiens. We show converging evidence from paleoanthropology, speech biomechanics, ethnography, and historical linguistics that labiodental sounds (such as “f” and “v”) were innovated after the Neolithic. Changes in diet attributable to food-processing technologies modified the human bite from an edge-to-edge configuration to one that preserves adolescent overbite and overjet into adulthood. This change favored the emergence and maintenance of labiodentals. Our findings suggest that language is shaped not only by the contingencies of its history, but also by culturally induced changes in human biology.
ABSTRACT. In this paper we argue against the findings presented in Hay & Bauer 2007, which show a positive correlation between population size and phoneme inventory size. We argue that the positive correlation is an artifact of the authors' statistical technique and biased data set.Using a hierarchical mixed model to account for genealogical relatedness of languages, and a much larger and more diverse sample of the world's languages, we find little support for population size as an explanatory predictor of phoneme inventory size once the genealogical relatedness of languages is accounted for.
We show that Atkinson's (Reports, 15 April 2011, p. 346) intriguing proposal-that global linguistic diversity supports a single language origin in Africa-is an artifact of using suboptimal data, biased methodology, and unjustified assumptions. We criticize his approach using more suitable data, and we additionally provide new results suggesting a more complex scenario for the emergence of global linguistic diversity.
Although complexity of subsystems varies greatly across languages, the compensation hypothesis states that if a language's structure is complex in one area, it will simplify in another (e.g. Martinet 1955, Hockett 1955, Aitchison 2000). An assumed truism is that these differences balance out cross-linguistically, so that all languages tend to be equally complex (e.g.
Here we present an expanded version of BDPROTO, a database comprising phonological inventory data from 257 ancient and reconstructed languages. These data were extracted from historical linguistic reconstructions and brought together into a single unified, normalized, accessible, and Unicode-compliant language resource. This dataset is publicly available and we aim to engage language scientists doing research on language change and language evolution. Furthermore, we identify a hitherto undiscussed temporal bias that complicates the simple comparison of ancient and reconstructed languages with present-day languages. Due to the sparsity of the data and the absence of statistical and computational methods that can adequately handle this bias, we instead directly target rates of change within and across families, thereby providing a case study to highlight BDPROTO's research viability; using phylogenetic comparative methods and high-resolution language family trees, we investigate whether consonantal and vocalic systems differ in their rates of change over the last 10,000 years. In light of the compilation of BDPROTO and the findings of our case study, we discuss the challenges involved in comparing the sound systems of reconstructed languages with modern day languages.
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