No abstract

The degrowth debate so far has lacked a clear vision of what social subjects, and which processes of political subjectivation, can turn its vision into a political strategy. In this contribution to the debate on degrowth and eco-socialism, I point to the place of labor in the politics of socio-ecological revolution, arguing that degrowth should aim for a truly democratic, workers' controlled production system, where alienation is actively countered by a collective reappropriation of the products of labor and by a truly democratic decisionmaking process over the use of the surplus. Such strategy must be based on an extended concept of class relations that goes beyond the wage labor relation, and toward a broader conception of work as a (gendered and racialized) mediator of social metabolism. I conclude that ecosocialist degrowth should take the form of a struggle for dealienating both industrial and meta-industrial labor.

The article offers an intellectual critique of Marxist political ecology as developed in western Europe between the 1970s and 2000s, focusing on the labour/ecology nexus. My critique is based on the intersection of two levels of analysis: (1) the historical evolution of labour environmentalism, focusing on what I will call the eco-modernist dilemma of labour; (2) the meaning of class politics in relation to the politics of the environment, with a special focus on the production/reproduction dialectic. Focusing on the work of four Marxist intellectuals whose ideas resonated with various social movements across the Left spectrum (labour, environmentalism, feminism and degrowth), the article shows how the current entrenchment of labour within the politics of eco-modernization hides a number of internal fractures and alternative visions of ecology that need to be spelled out in order to open the terrain for a rethinking of ecological politics in class terms today.

The Industrial Revolution (IR) story is the core of a mainstream economic history narrative of energy/development relationships, celebrating Modern Economic Growth (MEG) as the increase in per capita energy consumption in the last two centuries. Such a narrative emphasizes mineral technology and private property as the key elements of growth processes. I will criticize the above narrative, from a socio-environmental history perspective, for its inability to account for two crucial aspects of energy history: 1. the role of social power as key determinant in how energy sources are used and to what ends; 2. the socio-ecological costs associated with the increase of energy consumption. I will then review Environmental History studies on energy/industrialization and highlight possible future developments in the field. The article makes a strong point for the need to look at energy transitions as social processes, and to include the unequal distribution of environmental, health, and social costs of mineral energy into global history narratives.

This article explores the intersection of work and nature in environmental history, and it reflects on possible new paths of investigation. More specifically, it focuses on physical labor performed in agriculture and industry-especially in the last two centuries-questioning how experiences in farming, mining, and manufacturing historically have shaped the relationship between working-class people and their environments. Based on secondary literature in English, Italian, and Portuguese, and on original research, the article proposes a tentative interpretative framework for the environmental history of work that incorporates analysis of the landscape as evidence of past human labor, the workplace and its relationship with the local community, and working-class and labor environmental activism. Ultimately, the article highlights the need to investigate the labor/environment dichotomy as a cultural and political construct and seeks to contribute to the formulation of labor-friendly sustainability policies.

Changing our relation to the environment in a democratic way implies questioning models and methods of socioecological relations-including work relations. This article critically discusses the notion of a "just transition" toward democratic sustainability as developed at the intersection between climate justice and labor politics. We invite an expansion of ideas of socioenvironmental and labor justice based on Jacques Ranci ere's "method of (in)equality," which problematizes justice theories and the politics of identitarian-group recognition. Our argument is that since both ecological and social crises are produced via inequalities a just transition can be a transition out of the logic of unequal relations-rather than just out of fossil fuels. We posit that socioecological justice in political action can be based on the assumption of equality, the "scandalous" democratic principle according to which political agency belongs to subjects without them having to prove any particular subjectivity worthy of recognition. We thus invite connecting sustainability discourses with a critique of the processes through which subjects become subaltern in the first place, being ascribed unequal positions mostly via violent means such as dispossession and subordination.

Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as condições de vida e saúde de ribeirinhos de oito comunidades da Reserva Mamirauá, a partir da categoria de análise da Reprodução Social de Juan Samaja. Seu método é descritivo, e foram utilizados questionário estruturado, observação direta e análise documental. A pesquisa identificou baixo envolvimento dos ribeirinhos em relação ao controle social e ao apoio comunitário, o que indica problemas na interação biocomunal e política. O atendimento às demandas sociais está organizado de forma conflituosa, uma vez que várias instituições que atuam nesse território não se articulam. A interação da dimensão política com a tecnoeconômica apresentou Razão de Prevalência <1,0 nas comunidades em que o Instituto Mamirauá promoveu maior diversificação das atividades. Contudo, os rendimentos para subsistência sofrem forte variação e não alcançam a soma de 1 salário mínimo em 60,6% das famílias. Foram observadas elevadas frequências em queixas de saúde (78,8%) e acidentes de trabalho (70,9%) e, quanto à avaliação dos serviços, 54 % dos ribeirinhos deram nota inferior a 2 pontos. Concluímos que os processos sociais que determinam as situações de saúde dos ribeirinhos de Mamirauá são oriundos da estrutura de poder configurada pelas práticas territorializadas das políticas ambiental e indígena, e pelos programas de saúde pública, cuja sobreposição tem produzido interações conflituosas no que diz respeito às competências e responsabilidades com a atenção à saúde. O apoio à cogestão da Reserva foi pontual e, dessa forma, pouco alterou os resultados danosos dessa estrutura social sobre os grupos mais vulneráveis.

Half a century ago, Silent Spring showed the world how violence against living and non-living matter, by way of petrochemcial contamination, is related to violence against humans. This is a fundamental lesson of twentieth century environmental thinking, I argue, that environmental historians should carry with them into the twenty-first. The first part of the paper draws attention on the category of environmental violence. I argue that environmental degradation and social inequality have common historical roots, lying within the sphere of corporate and/or State 'development' policies, premised on the production of sacrifice zones and disposable bodies. Environmental violence, in other words, acts according to configurations of environmental injustice. In the second part, I call attention on the ways in which industrial development in post-war Europe has produced certain forms of environmental violence which have deeply affected human and non-human life in a multitude of places, and offer some insights into how this could be analysed by environmental historians.