The human language faculty has been claimed to be grounded in the ability to process hierarchically structured sequences. This human ability goes beyond the capacity to process sequences with simple transitional probabilities of adjacent elements observable in non-human primates. Here we show that the processing of these two sequence types is supported by different areas in the human brain. Processing of local transitions is subserved by the left frontal operculum, a region that is phylogenetically older than Broca's area, which specifically holds responsible the computation of hierarchical dependencies. Tractography data revealing differential structural connectivity signatures for these two brain areas provide additional evidence for a segregation of two areas in the left inferior frontal cortex.

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The aim of this study was to provide a computational system model of effective connectivity in the human brain underlying overt speech production. Meta-analysis of neuroimaging studies and functional magnetic resonance imaging data acquired during a verbal fluency task revealed a core network consisting of Brodmann's area (BA) 44 in Broca's region, anterior insula, basal ganglia, cerebellum, premotor cortex (PMC, BA 6) and primary motor cortex (M1, areas 4a/4p). Dynamic causal modelling (DCM) indicated the highest evidence for a system architecture featuring the insula in a serial position between BA 44 and two parallel nodes (cerebellum/basal ganglia), from which information converges onto the PMC and finally M1. Parameter inference revealed that effective connectivity from the insular relay into the cerebellum/basal ganglia is primarily task driven (preparation) while the output into the cortical motor system strongly depends on the actual word production rate (execution). DCM hence allowed not only a quantitative characterization of the human speech production network, but also the distinction of a preparatory and an executive subsystem within it. The proposed model of physiological integration during speech production may now serve as a reference for investigations into the neurobiology of pathological states such as dysarthria and apraxia of speech.

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In this functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study, we investigated the influence of two task (lexical decision, LDT; phonological decision, PDT) on activation in Broca's region (left Brodmann's areas [BA] 44 and 45) during the processing of visually presented words and pseudowords. Reaction times were longer for pseudowords than words in LDT but did not differ in PDT. By combining the fMRI data with cytoarchitectonic anatomical probability maps, we demonstrated that the left BA 44 and BA 45 were stronger activated for pseudowords than for words. Separate analyses for LDT and PDT revealed that the left BA 44 was activated in both tasks, whereas left BA 45 was only involved in LDT. The results are interpreted within a dual-route model of reading with the left BA 44 supporting graphemeto-phoneme conversion and the left BA 45 being related to explicit lexical search. D

Distinct regions in the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) preferentially support the processing of different word-types (e.g., real words, pseudowords) and tasks (e.g., lexical decisions, phonological decisions) in visual word recognition. However, the functional connectivity underlying the task-related specialisation of regions in the left IFG is not yet well understood. In this study we investigated the neural mechanisms driving the interaction of WORD-TYPE (real word vs. pseudoword) and TASK (lexical vs. phonological decision) in Brodmann's area (BA) 45 in the left IFG using dynamic causal modelling (DCM). Four different models were compared, all of which included left BA44, left BA45, and left inferior temporal gyrus (ITG). In each model, the visual presentation of words and pseudowords is assumed to directly evoke activity in the ITG and is then thought to be subsequently propagated to BA45 and to BA44 via direct intrinsic connections. The models differed with regard to which connections were modulated by the different tasks. Both tasks were assumed to either modulate the ITG_BA45 connection (Model #1), or the BA44_BA45 connection (Model #2), or both connections in parallel (Model #3). In Model #4 lexical decisions modulated the ITG_BA45 connection, whereas phonological decisions modulated the BA44_BA45 connection. Bayesian model selection revealed a superiority of Model #1. In this model, the strength of the ITG_BA45 connection was enhanced during lexical decisions. This model is in line with the hypothesis that left BA 45 supports explicit lexical decisions during visual word recognition based on lexical access in the ITG.

The neural basis of specific reading disability (SRD) remains only partly understood. A dozen studies have used voxel-based morphometry (VBM) to investigate gray matter volume (GMV) differences between SRD and control children, however, recent meta-analyses suggest that few regions are consistent across studies. We used data collected across three countries (France, Poland, and Germany) with the aim of both increasing sample size (236 SRD and controls) to obtain a clearer picture of group differences, and of further assessing the consistency of the findings across languages. VBM analysis reveals a significant group difference in a single cluster in the left thalamus. Furthermore, we observe correlations between reading accuracy and GMV in the left supramarginal gyrus and in the left cerebellum, in controls only. Most strikingly, we fail to replicate all the group differences in GMV reported in previous studies, despite the superior statistical power. The main limitation of this study is the heterogeneity of the sample drawn from different countries (i.e., speaking languages with varying orthographic transparencies) and selected based on different assessment batteries. Nevertheless, analyses within each country support the conclusions of the cross-linguistic analysis. Explanations for the discrepancy between the present and previous studies may include: (1) the limited suitability of VBM to reveal the subtle brain disruptions underlying SRD; (2) insufficient correction for multiple statistical tests and flexibility in data analysis, and (3) publication bias in favor of positive results. Thus the study echoes widespread concerns about the risk of false-positive results inherent to small-scale VBM studies.

The cognitive and neural representation of abstract words is still an open question for theories of embodied cognition. Generally, it is proposed that abstract words are grounded in the activation of sensorimotor or at least experiential properties, exactly as concrete words. Further behavioral theories propose multiple representations evoked by abstract and concrete words. We conducted a functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) study to investigate the neural correlates of concrete and abstract multi-word expressions in an action context. Participants were required to read simple sentences which combined each concrete noun with an adequate concrete verb and an adequate abstract verb, as well as an adequate abstract noun with either kind of verbs previously used. Thus, our experimental design included a continuum from pure concreteness to mere abstractness. As expected, comprehension of both concrete and abstract language content activated the core areas of the sensorimotor neural network namely the left lateral (precentral gyrus) and medial (supplementary motor area) premotor cortex. While the purely concrete multi-word expressions elicited activations within the left inferior frontal gyrus (pars triangularis) and two foci within the left inferior parietal cortex, the purely abstract multi-word expressions were represented in the anterior part of left middle temporal gyrus that is part of the language processing system. Although the sensorimotor neural network is engaged in both concrete and abstract language contents, the present findings show that concrete multi-word processing relies more on the sensorimotor system, and abstract multi-word processing relies more on the linguistic system.