There has been a tendency within discourses of women's violence to adopt an either/ or binary approach to women's use of violence in intimate relationships. Women are either portrayed as blameless victims or culpable agents. To dichotomize women's violence in this way is reductionist. Using in-depth life-story interviews of three women, this research examined women's use of violence and aggression within the context of their agency, their victimization, and the choices available to them to illustrate how and why this binary approach limits the understanding of women's violence in intimate relationships.Since the 1970s, debates have existed within the research community on the extent and nature of women's use of violence in intimate relationships. It is well established that some women use violence and aggression within their intimate and marital relationships
Rape and sexual violence against Jewish women is a relatively unexplored area of investigation. This article adds to the scant literature on this topic. It asks: how and why did women's reproductive bodies (gender), combined with their status as Jews (race), make them particularly vulnerable during the Holocaust? The law against Rassenschande (racial defilement) prohibited sexual relations between Aryans and non-Aryans. Yet, Jewish women were raped by German men. Providing a more nuanced account than is provided by the dehumanization thesis, this article argues that women were targeted precisely because of their Jewishness and their reproductive capabilities. In addition, this piece proposes that the genocidal attack on women's bodies in the form of rape (subsequently leading to the murder of impregnated women) and sexualized violence (forced abortions and forced sterilizations) must be interpreted as an attack on an essentialized group: woman-as-Jew.
In 2017 American President, Donald Trump, reinstated the 'Global Gag Rule'(GGR). This order bans new funding to NGOs that provide abortion as a method of family planning, lobby to make abortion laws less restrictive or, provide information, referrals or counselling on abortions. In the same year the Trump administration defunded The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA).The latter is reviewed against the backdrop of the conflict in Syria. These policies draw upon, and reproduce, normative representations of women as vulnerable, weak, passive and maternal. Focusing on women's access to abortion following wartime rape, the meanings and implications of these policies are reviewed.Transnational and postcolonial feminist perspectives are used to unpack the core themes of this piece: gender, reproductive healthcare and foreign economic policy. Three main arguments are made: (1) US foreign policy on abortion under the Trump administration draws implicitly on conservative ideas about gender, sexuality and maternity (2), denying female survivors of rape access to abortion -which is discriminatory and violates key international instruments -is a form of structural violence that amounts to torture and (3), the GGR and the defunding of UNFPA reproduce structural inequalities between the Global North and the Global South.
Adopting a transnational feminist lens and using a political economy approach, this article addresses both the direct and indirect consequences of the 2003 war in Iraq, specifically the impact on civilian women. Pre-war security and gender relations in Iraq will be compared with the situation post-invasion/occupation. It examines the globalized processes of capitalism, neoliberalism, and neocolonialism and their impact on the political, social, and economic infrastructure in Iraq. Particular attention will be paid to illicit/informal economies: coping, combat, and criminal.The 2003 Iraq war was fought using masculinities of empire, postcolonialism, and neoliberalism. Using the example of forced prostitution, this article will argue that these globalization masculinities -specifically the privatization agenda of the West and its illegal economic occupation -have resulted in women either being forced into the illicit (coping) economy as a means of survival, or trafficked for sexual slavery by profit-seeking criminal networks who exploit the informal economy in a post-invasion/occupation Iraq.
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