The main focus of this study - the Global Environmental Survey (GOES) - is the impact of cultural influences on environmental attitudes. GOES examines the cultural impact from a basic cross-national perspective, investigating the impact of cultural change and value shifts on environmental concern, attitudes, and behavior in both Western and non-Western societies. This study provides cross-national insights in how mass publics and decision makers in both developed and developing countries frame environmental problems and solutions. In addition, the project has shown how leading environmental decision makers and opinion leaders assess the environmental beliefs and attitudes of the public. Apparently, citizens are not yet ready to translate pro-environmental concerns into acceptance of far-reaching environmental policy measures. Citizens in both developed and developing countries seem to prefer voluntary lifestyle changes. Moving from environmental concern via policy support to actual (reported) environmental behavior, we can conclude that persistent pro-environmental behavior does not describe citizens' environmental involvement and commitment. Our data indicate that environmentally relevant behaviors (e.g., transportation, energy use, recycling, household purchases, political activism) do not form a consistent and coherent pattern. Practice of one type of ecologically conscious behavior does not predict engagement in another. It is not that people reserve a distinctive spot in their mental software for judging the environmental impact of habitual behaviors. Their mental mapping probably consists of manifold decisional heuristics, including comfort, health, safety, price, efficiency, effectiveness, and social responsibility, which are likely to be hierarchically ordered and in competition with environmental heuristics. A focus on specific behaviors, though, reveals that citizens may be deeply involved in "green" behavior. This is related in part to differences in opportunity structures, social situation and, arguably, cultural differences in exposure to green ideas. The policy lesson from this is not to prompt "general" environmentally friendly consumer behavior, but to promote single citizen actions having positive environmental impacts and, certainly, to create appropriate opportunity structures. In addition to the general national sample GOES study, an additional decision makers' module addressed the following questions, among others: Is there a systematic bias in environmental decision makers' estimates of environmental attitudes and environmental policy preferences of the general public? How do decision makers value a number of policies that are direct implementations of international environmental treaties, and how do they judge their own national performance in this respect? The new module enabled us to study differences between environmental decision makers and general public attitudes and policy preferences in the environmental policy arena, and we did find some remarkable and systematic cross-national biases in decision makers' competence of estimating the general public's environmental beliefs and policy support. These biases, interestingly, are related to issues at the core of the sustainability debate.
Given increasing evidence from international surveys that concern for the environment appears to be a worldwide phenomenon, the authors of this article were interested in conducting an in-depth analysis of environmental concerns, values and behavior in the Beijing and Detroit metropolitan areas. Because of the attention that has been given to the influences of dominant social values and neighborhood environmental context on environmental attitudes cross-nationally, the authors were especially interested in examining what impact these have. In so doing, they attempted to introduce several important innovations in their comparative study, including new measures of commitment to the Dominant Social Paradigm (DSP) and indicators of neighborhood environmental quality. Using face-to-face interviews with probability samples surveys of residents in the Beijing and Detroit metropolitan areas, the study also determined, from openended questions, people’s understandings of ‘the environment’ and ‘economic growth’ and the priority trade-offs between them that are often implied and debated. The analyses found striking similarities as well as differences in the two metropolitan areas.
Adding to the established conceptualization of the first three waves of the Brazilian women's and feminist movements, our focus is the ongoing "fourth wave," defined by a process of "gendered democratic institutionalization" as well as the revitalization of a classic feminist rights agenda, due to the influence of transnational feminism and the globalization of local women's agendas. We argue that all the achievements of Brazilian women since the mid-1980s-in education, work, and political participation-have not resulted in a significant reduction in gender inequality. Underlying the persistence of gender inequality is a clash between modernizing values and traditional practices. We also seek to show the interconnections among gender, class, and race in the production of inequality not only between men and women, but also among women on the basis of class and race. We focus on three of the most pressing gender relations issues in today's Brazilian society: the sluggish change in dealing with and overcoming the low percentages of political representation at all levels; the controversies over reproductive rights and abortion; and the renewed concern about widespread violence against women.The socioeconomic and political conditions of Brazilian women have undergone remarkable shifts in recent decades, with significant gains in health policies, re-
Right‐wing women's movements encompass a variety of past and current, social and political movements and groups, organized across the world, autonomously, or as women's sections of larger organizations (such as political parties), whose composition is solely or mostly made up of women informed by a variety of right‐wing ideologies and active participants in right‐wing action. Right‐wing women's movements have often been organized around a combined number of right‐wing issues, including active support of fascist and authoritarian regimes, anti‐communism, racism, and conservative religious values, Christian, Hindu, or Islamic. In the last decades, right‐wing women's organizations have rallied around social conservative issues (such as against abortion rights), but also engaged in the promotion of neoliberal, pro‐market, and anti‐state roles in the economy and social policies. These right‐wing segments of the women's movement and organizations have promoted traditional gender roles and ideology, and have been, most often but not always, anti‐feminist.
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