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This article examines the case of Denmark-a country which historically had next to no domestic energy resources-for which new historical energy accounts are presented for the years 1800-1913. It demonstrates that Denmark's take-off at the end of the nineteenth century was relatively energy dependent. This is related to Denmark's well-known agricultural transformation and development through the dairy industry, and thus the article complements the literature which argues that expensive energy hindered industrialization, by arguing that similar obstacles would have precluded other countries from a more agriculture-based growth. The Danish cooperative creameries, which spread throughout the country over the last two decades of the nineteenth century, were dependent on coal. Although Denmark had next to no domestic coal deposits, this article demonstrates that Danish geography allowed cheap availability throughout the country through imports. On top of this it emphasizes that another important source of energy was imported feed for cows.T his article examines the case of Denmark 1 within the context of the debate about the role of energy and energy transitions for development, in particular through the construction of new energy accounts for the years 1800-1913. 2 As is well known, Denmark did not so much industrialize as experience a rapid transformation of its agricultural sector in the second half of the nineteenth century. 3 This process truly revolutionized Danish agriculture, and seems fit for the epithet , and participants at conferences and seminars where we have presented this work for helpful comments and suggestions. Sofia would like to thank generous support from the Carlsberg Foundation for the project 'Long-run energy transitions and CO2 emissions: the Danish case'. We would also like to thank Frederikke Frehr Kristensen for conscientious research assistance.

Fossil-fuel-related carbon dioxide emissions have risen dramatically since 1800. We identify the long-run drivers of CO 2 emissions for a sample of twelve developed economies using an extended Kaya decomposition. By considering biomass and carbonfree energy sources along with fossil fuels we are able to shed light on the effects of past and present energy transitions on CO 2 emissions. We find that at low levels of income per capita, fuel switching from biomass to fossil fuels is the main contributing factor to emission growth. Scale effects, especially income effects, become the most important emission drivers at higher levels of income and also dominate the overall long-run change. Technological change is the main offsetting factor. Particularly in the last decades, technological change and fuel switching have become important contributors to the decrease in emissions in Europe. Our results also individualize the different CO 2 historical paths across parts of Europe, North America and Japan.

We use the societal exergy analysis to identify periods and factors controlling efficiency dilution and carbon deepening of electricity in Portugal from 1900 to 2014. Besides estimating the carbon intensity of electricity production, we propose a new indicator, the carbon intensity of electricity use, which quantifies CO 2 /kWh of electricity derived useful exergy. Results show final to useful efficiency dilution until World War I (50% to 30%) due to a decrease in share of the high-efficiency transport sector and from mid-1940s to 1960 and mid-1990s onwards (58% to 47% and 47% to 40%) due to an increase in share of the low efficiency commercial and residential sector. Decarbonization from 1900 to mid-1960s, with carbon intensities of electricity production and use dropping respectively from 12.8 to 0.2 and from 33.6 to 0.4 kg CO 2 /kWh due to an increase in thermoelectricity efficiencies and an increase in share of hydro. Then, a period of carbon deepening until 1990 with carbon intensities tripling due to a shift in shares from hydro to thermoelectricity and more recently a period of decarbonization with carbon intensities decreasing to 0.35 and 0.9 kg CO 2 /kWh, due to the increase in renewable electricity despite a dilution in final to useful efficiency.Energies 2019, 12, 534 2 of 22 effects on the lives of women and society in general that resulted from time savings associated with electricity powered domestic devices such as the refrigerator and the washing machines.Due to its social and economic importance and ease of use, electricity has become a significant proportion of the present final energy consumption of OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries (22%) [4], second only to oil. Over the next few decades, it is expected that the importance of electricity will increase even more because it is a crucial energy carrier to fuel a sustainable 4th industrial revolution based on electrical and autonomous vehicles, communication, robotization, data gathering and artificial intelligence [5,6]. Additionally, it is essential that many of the end-uses that are currently being provided by fossil fuels, such as mobility, will in the future be provided by renewable electricity [5,7]. Otherwise, the decarbonization of society imposed by the need to decrease the human impact on the climate system will be difficult to achieve.The efficiencies and carbon intensities of electricity production and use are of crucial importance in determining the environmental, social and economic benefits of the imminent energy transition. In order to estimate and locate the opportunities to increase exergy efficiency and decrease carbon intensity, a thorough societal exergy analysis of the whole energy conversion chain, from the primary to final and then to the useful stage, is necessary. To properly estimate primary to final exergy efficiency, one needs to consider the efficiency of electricity generation and distribution, which depends on the energy mix and technical efficiency of the different power statio...

We provide a natural resource explanation for the divergence of the Portuguese economy relative to other European countries before the Second World War. First, we demonstrate that a lack of domestic resources meant that Portugal experienced limited and unbalanced growth during the age of steam. Imports of coal were prohibitively expensive for inland areas. Coastal areas industrialized through steam but were constrained by limited demand from the interior. Second, we show that after the First World War, when other coal-poor countries turned to hydro-power, Portugal relied on coal-based thermal-power, creating a vicious circle of high-energy prices and labor-intensive industrialization.