This paper attempts to understand the state’s role in providing Scheduled Castes (SC) status for Arzal or Dalit Muslims, and the struggle of Pasmanda Muslims through the Pasmanda movement for inclusion in the SC list. While doing so, it traces the trajectory of marginalization of Dalit Muslims by the state. It argues that since the inception of SC status in independent India, it was reserved only for the Hindu religion. Later on, it was amended twice: first, in 1956 for the inclusion of Sikh, and second, for neo-Buddhist in 1990. It did not include Dalit from the Muslim community. It also attempts to map the effort of Pasmanda Muslims for SC status. In this context, the paper tries to comprehend the role of the Pasmanda movement along with the struggle of social organizations. Consequently, the paper argues that these organizations fight for SC status; however, unable to make any significant intervention at the policy level. This paper also argues that there is a dissensus and intra-community contestation among Muslims regarding the Pasmanda movement and the demand of SC status for Dalit Muslims.
This article attempts to revisit the Pasmanda political discourse (PPD) which is grounded on the premise that there exist a number of backward and dalit Muslims who remain under-represented and whose demands remain unheard in contemporary India. In recognising this reality, this article tries to understand the PPD from three perspectives. First, the feasibility and importance of the PPD in the context of the resounding victory of the National Democratic Alliance which has indicated that the present dispensation managed to dismantle caste-based politics in the last 2019 general elections. Second, it tries to explain the reasons for the failure of Pasmanda politics which could not make a headway in the Muslim community in general and Pasmanda Muslims in particular and also in other socio-religious groups and political parties, despite it being a century-old political discourse. Third, it seeks to articulate the way forward to strengthen and rejuvenate the idea of Pasmanda in India today which is witnessing a domination of majoritarian politics.
This article attempts to understand and analyse the nature of the state’s affirmative action policy to include Muslims in higher education in India. In analysing so, it tries to shed light on the Scheduled Castes’ status for Arzal or Dalit Muslims to ensure their representation in higher education. It also strives to map the reservation policy for the backward Muslims and argues that various castes among Muslims are not included in the OBC list. This article also seeks to highlight the debate regarding the minority status of Muslim higher educational institutions. This article argues that although the Indian constitution does not provide reservation based on religion, Muslims, in general, and Pasmanda Muslims, in particular, are at the periphery as far as their representation in higher education. In other words, the state uses differential treatment as far as providing Scheduled Castes Status for Arzal Muslims; the state and its apparatus use the thin and narrower meaning of Article 30 of the Indian constitution while addressing the minority status of Muslim higher educational institutions and the article also aims to elucidate the allocation of seats for Pasmanda Muslims in Muslim minority higher educational institutions.
The Pasmanda Movement is nearly a 100-year-old discourse. However, this movement is not competent enough to unite Muslims, particularly the Pasmanda Muslims, under one banner. It could not develop as a vigorous sociopolitical movement to gain political benefit. In this context, this article attempts to divulge the causes of its deterioration. Analysing so, it tries to trace the unity among Muslims with regard to this discourse. This article also attempts to understand the political philosophy of this movement. This article aims to underline the protests managed by the followers of the movement regarding the Scheduled Caste status for Dalit Muslims. It highlights the assertion of movement in the upsurge of right-wing and secular versus communal politics. This also strives to understand the nature of this discourse in terms of its independency. This article analyses its silence upon the orthodoxy among the Muslim community and their activism through social media to continue this movement.
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