Post‐Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) was initially conceptualized as a psychopathology that arose as a consequence of war time experiences. More recently, available evidence has demonstrated that post‐traumatic stress (PTS) as a consequence of war is buffered by social identity processes. In such contexts, identity resources are arguably more readily accessible given the integral relationship between social identities and intergroup violence. There is no evidence as yet to suggest that social identity processes may act to reduce PTS responses to naturally occurring disasters such as earthquakes and even less data pertaining to non‐Western contexts where the impact of such disasters tends to be particularly catastrophic. This article reports on a study undertaken in earthquake‐affected regions in Nepal devastated by the April 2015 quake and its major aftershock a month later. Participants (n=399) completed measures of their earthquake experience, Post‐Traumatic Stress and Post Traumatic growth (PTG), as well as measures of community identification and collective efficacy. In total 399 people completed the measures approximately six months after the quakes. Results of the study indicated that consistent with tenets of the social identity framework, ethnic and gender group memberships impacted on reported experiences during the earthquake. Reported experience during the quakes and ethnic group membership were both related to increased symptoms of PTS. Ethnicity was also linked to the proportion of respondents reporting clinical levels of PTSD symptoms. The relationship between earthquake experience and PTG was mediated by community identification and collective efficacy. Earthquake experience also had an indirect effect on PTS through collective efficacy. Implications of these findings for those working with traumatized groups are discussed.

It is argued that far-right (FR) populism in the West is fuelled by inequality. In this paper, we argue that three social psychological processes are central to explaining these phenomena. We suggest that these processes are recursive although we do not specify their temporal order.Drawing on the social identity tradition, we first examine how inequality is linked to reduced social trust and cohesion, which has consequences for both low-and highincome groups. We examine the known effects of perceived threat in amplifying tensions between groups and consolidating identity positions. Second, we argue that national identity consolidation is a particularly likely response to inequality, which, in turn, reduces tolerance of cultural diversity as an associated consequence. Finally, we consider the value of these strengthened national identities to those who harness them effectively to gain political ground. In this way, those who offer FR populist rhetoric aligned with nationalism can blame immigrants, "foreign" powers, and mainstream politics for both the lack of social cohesion and reduced economic circumstances of many. We conclude that FR populist leaders not only tap into the negative social consequences of inequality, their policy positions also fail to address and may even compound the situation.---

There is increasing acceptance that children are not unaware of when they are targets of discrimination. However, discrimination as a consequence of socio‐economic disadvantage remains understudied. The aim of this study was to examine the impact of perceived discrimination on well‐being, perceptions of safety and school integration amongst children growing up within socio‐economically disadvantaged communities in Limerick, Ireland. Mediation analysis was used to explore these relationships and to examine the potential role of parental support and community identity in boys and girls in the 6th to 9th year of compulsory education (N = 199). Results indicate perceived discrimination contributed to negative outcomes in terms of school integration, perceptions of safety and levels of well‐being. Age and gender differences were observed which disadvantaged boys and younger children. All negative outcomes were buffered by parental support. Community identity also protected young people in terms of feelings of school integration and risk but not in terms of psychological well‐being. Findings are discussed in terms of the different role of family and community supports for children negotiating negative social representations of their community.

Few studies have investigated the role of disenfranchisement and denial of agency in women's sexual health. To address this, a cross-sectional study of disenfranchisement, control (general and reproductive control), and health was conducted in Ireland, where abortion is severely restricted. Multiple mediation models (N = 513 women) indicated that general but not reproductive control mediates the association between disenfranchisement and psychological well-being. Additionally, serial mediation shows disenfranchisement is associated with lower sense of control, which is linked to poorer well-being and risky sexual behaviour. Disenfranchisement arising from socio-political contexts may have important implications for women's sexual health.

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