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We give a quantitative analysis of the nature of occupational change -based on the utilisation of skills -as women make the transition between full-time and part-time work. We show that one-quarter of women moving from full-to part-time work experience downgrading. Women remaining with their current employer are less vulnerable and the availability of part-time opportunities is far more important than the presence of a pre-school child in determining whether a woman moves to a lowerskilled occupation. These findings indicate a loss of economic efficiency through the underutilisation of the skills of many of the women who work part-time.Part-time work by women has been a major source of employment growth in the UK over the past 30 years, and around 40% of women now in work are in part-time jobs. Much of this growth reflects its increasing role as the route by which women combine continuing labour market participation with home and family responsibilities particularly during the childcare years. As is widely documented, part-time work in the UK is disproportionately concentrated in low reward, low status jobs (Manning and Petrongolo, 2008;Grimshaw and Rubery, 2001;Blossfeld and Hakim, 1997;Hakim, 1998). It can be argued that, in the context of women's work-family preferences, inferior conditions, notably lower pay, are not necessarily evidence of discrimination or disadvantage. Women may choose to accept lower labour market rewards in return for other benefits they perceive in part-time work, such as shorter hours or the timing of the work week. However, an insidious dimension of the growth of part-time work is the movement of women from ÔbetterÕ jobs into lower-skilled occupations where part-time opportunities are more readily available and they can find the flexibility in working hours that they seek. Moving to part-time jobs at a lower occupational level than if they were to continue in full-time work implies underutilisation of their actual and potential human capital -referred to in a recent report by the Equal Opportunities Commission (2005) as the Ôhidden brain drainÕ of women's part-time work. This hidden brain drain, where women working part-time are employed in jobs below their levels of education and qualifications, is clearly in conflict with national strategies of improving educational attainment and raising skills at the workplace. It poses significant issues of economic efficiency as well as gender equity.The Equal Opportunities Commission identified the Ôhidden brain drainÕ through two sets of questions in a qualitative survey. Respondents were asked first whether they had previously held jobs which involved more supervision or management of staff, or needed a higher level of qualifications or skills than were required in their current job, and then more broadly whether they were working in jobs which did not use their latent potential (Darton and Hurrell, 2005). In this article we focus on the first aspect:

We investigate the positive relationships between High Performance Work Practices (HPWP) and employee health and well-being, and examine the conflicting assumption that high work intensification arising from HPWP might offset these positive relationships. We present new insights on whether the combined use (or integrated effects) of HPWP has greater explanatory power on employee health, well-being, and work intensification compared to their indicate that the combined use of HPWP may be sensitive to particular organizational settings, and may operate in some sectors but not in others.Key words: High performance work practices, human resource management, employee health, well-being, and work intensification. 2 IntroductionHigh Performance Work Practices (HPWP) are a set of unique but interdependent Human Resource Management (HRM) practices aimed at developing a more effective organization. They typically include training, team working, job autonomy, and practices that optimize employees' skills, motivation, and opportunity to exert discretionary effort (Appelbaum, Bailey, Berg & Kalleberg, 2000). The mainstream view holds that HPWP promote positive employee outcomes such as job satisfaction, commitment, trust, and psychological health (Van De Voorde, Paauwe & Van Veldhoven, 2012); however, studies investigating the ways in which HPWP might be detrimental to employees are generally scarce.Researchers have paid little attention to understanding the relationship between HPWP and work intensification (i.e., the feeling that work is more intense), and how this might offset any positive link between HPWP and employee health and well-being. Thus, the question of whether HPWP impact positively on employees' experiences of work, or are used as a managerial ploy to exploit employees, is unclear. The present study seeks to address these issues by examining data from the 2004 British Workplace Employment Relations Survey (2004 WERS), and comparing findings to data from the 2010 British National Health Service (NHS) Staff survey. The study investigates the extent to which employees' reaction to HPWP as described in the context of a nationally representative sample is comparable to a more specific context, the public healthcare sector.A common theme in HPWP research is that individual HRM practices should be used together in coherent bundles (integrated effects), rather than independently (isolated effects), to achieve a better impact on outcomes. But is there strong analytic evidence for this assumption? In fact, little progress has been made since Ichniowski, Shaw and Prennushi's (1997) seminal study in gathering evidence on whether HPWP have greater explanatory power on outcomes if analyzed in combination, rather than in isolation. To our knowledge, no study 3 has systematically compared the integrated and isolated effects of HPWP on employee health and well-being in a single analysis. This is unsatisfactory as one cannot identify best practices in the HPWP-employee health or well-being relationship without examin...

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While the gender pay gap has been narrowing for women in full-time jobs the pay penalty for the 40% of women who work part-time has risen, reflecting the growing polarisation of part-time jobs in low-wage occupations. A further dimension is that women often experience downgrading from higher-skill full-time into lower-skill part-time occupations. As women reorganise their working lives around the presence of children their reported hours and job satisfaction are highest in part-time work, but life-satisfaction is scarcely affected by hours of work. This Feature explores these issues and their challenge for economic efficiency as well as gender equity.On gender equality recent years have brought much good news in Britain. As in most advanced economies, increasing numbers of girls and young women have been staying on in post-compulsory education, and proceeding to further and higher education. They are outperforming their male peers at all levels, from primary school to university, and their aspirations are high. Building on their educational attainment women's labour force attachment is strengthening. They are moving into an expanding range of occupations, achieving career success in many. The UK's long-established gender pay gap is narrowing significantly and a reverse gender pay gap should no longer be unthinkable.This success story, however, relates only to women working full-time. Six million women, around 40% of those in work, are in part-time employment. For them the pay gap has been widening steadily over a number of years; they now face a substantial pay penalty not only relative to men but also relative to women in full-time work. The principal reasons for this are becoming starkly clear. Part-time jobs are heavily polarised into low-paid occupations. As wage inequality has increased the relative wage position of these jobs has deteriorated further. The key legislative provisions against discrimination, requiring equal pay and equal treatment, are not structured to address inequalities arising from occupational segregation. Moreover, the formal proscription against differential outcomes does not prevent differences in grading and individualspecific salaries within occupations. 1 Women supplying limited numbers of hours are least likely to claim their legal entitlements.The occupational segregation of women working part-time cannot be simply dismissed as selection into low-paid jobs by those whose weaker human capital attributes will generate poor labour market rewards. With 40% of women working part-time and the strong educational attainment of younger women this explanation is already stretched. More tellingly, the direct evidence of panel data shows that many women working part-time in low-paid occupations are qualified for, and have previously held, higher level, better paid jobs. This occupational downgrading with the switch to parttime work has recently been characterised by the Equal Opportunities Commission as * Helpful comments from Alison Booth during the preparation of this Introduction are ackn...

The largest group of beneficiaries from the introduction of the National Minimum Wage in the UK were women working part-time. A potential threat to these wage gains is a reduction in the working hours available, with parttime (flexible) jobs particularly vulnerable. This paper reports a range of difference-in-difference estimates using individual-level data from the New Earnings Survey and the British Household Panel Survey. No significant changes in hours worked by either full-or part-time women are found 1, 2 and 3 years after the NMW, and no change in the probabilities of remaining in full-or part-time work or transiting between the two.

In the debate about the impact of the Eurozone crisis on the EU's institutional balance, antagonists have often argued past each other. Supporters of the new intergovernmentalism contend that the European Council has supplanted the European Commission in policy leadership, while scholars who hold that the EU executive has been a winner of the crisis highlight the new management functions it has acquired. This article argues, first, that an accurate assessment of the institutional balance requires a more global evaluation of the Commission, acknowledging external and internal dynamics. Second, it contends that the Eurozone crisis did not cause a Commission retreat. Rather, the crisis accelerated a process already underway that finds its origins in a different dynamic: the presidentialization of policy control undertaken by Commission President Barroso. The adoption of fewer legislative proposals by the Commission during the crisis was due to the ability and choice of a strong president to focus the attention of the institution on crisis-related areas of policy, not the displacement of the institution by the European Council. The broader lesson is that rather than marking a further step in the decline of the Commission, the crisis reveals how the centralization of power within the institution and its expanded management duties have enhanced its capacity to take strategic action. The Commission's role as an engine of integration will therefore endure, but in a different guise.