Three juvenile nematode parasites were collected naturally from 90 (75 %) out of 120 specimens of the marine greater lizard fish Saurida undosquamis captured from water coasts at Hurghada City along the Red Sea in Egypt during the period from September 2013 to April 2014. Worms were identified on the basis of light and scanning electron microscopy. Two of the recovered worms were isolated from the peritoneal cavity of the infected fish around the wall of the stomach as encapsulated larvae. The anisakid juvenile Anisakis sp. (Type II) was characterized by an anteroventrally triangular mouth, with a boring tooth; its postanal tail was rounded, without a terminal mucron or spine. The gnathostomatid Echinocephalus overstreeti was characterized by the presence of a cephalic bulb armed with six transverse rows of spines which were slightly more compact near the anterior end of bulb with maximal separation near the midbulb; the cephalic bulb terminated at a pseudolabia which situated dorsoventrally and reached its greatest width at the posterior one third of the body, The postanal tail terminated at a pointed mucron. The third juvenile species, Hysterothylacium patagonense (Anisakidae), was isolated from the intestine of the infected fish; they are characterized by a small-sized body with a conical tail provided by a nodulose apex, and the anterior end was equipped with three lips. A dorsal lip slightly smaller than the two subventrals left a deep postlabial groove and prominent lateral flanges in between, and the proximal part of each lip was smooth. The three described species were compared morphologically and morphometrically with some of the previously recorded species of the same genus. From this comparison, the similarity and variations between these species were described and concluded that the present study should be considered as a new host record in Egypt.
Purpose Non-politicized bureaucracy plays a fundamental role in the survival of states during times of transition and drastic change. Moreover, non-politicized bureaucracy protects state institutions from failing. In fact, state survival bureaucracy (SSB), as an alternative to Deep State, obtains all mechanisms for the sustainability of the state, both its entity and identity. In case of resistance to the elected officials and executives’ abrupt decisions, professionals and experts came up with Deep State to reflect the elements of rejection. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses both system and function approaches in analyzing the role of bureaucracy in states going through transition. It also draws comparisons from the harsh experiences in the Arab region after Arab revolutions where most of the states collapsed while Tunisia and Egypt survived. The authors will use the available literature in reviewing different arguments regarding the role of bureaucracy in addition to the own observations as scholars who were engaged in the political process in Egypt for sometimes and during the drastic changes since January 25, 2011 and the knowledge about political process in Tunisia and other Arab states. Findings In the study of the collapse of a number of Arab states and the survival of Tunisia and Egypt, it was found out that it is SSB which holds state together in cases of drastic changes or tangible threats. SSB includes bureaucrats and policy implementing agencies that are committed to both entity and identity of the state. The role of SSB emerges clearly in a state of utmost survival crisis of the state. SSB does inherently obtain self-correcting mechanisms that help states face, experience drastic change and cope with it. Originality/value Non-politicized bureaucracy plays a fundamental role in the survival of states during times of transition and drastic change. Moreover, non-politicized bureaucracy protects state institutions from failing. In fact, SSB as an alternative to Deep State, as defined in this paper, obtains all mechanisms for the sustainability of the state, both its entity and identity. The analysis will show how SSB is a constructive mechanism for the survival of the state when its entity and identity as well as well-established national interests are under tangible threats.
January 25 2044 and June 30 2013 revolutions rediscovered Egyptians' hidden strengths, which can be seen in the new role of Digital Advocacy Management. This raises many questions about the management of its mechanisms and the stages it goes through, and how it transforms into an actor to ensure a peaceful, permanent democratic transition, whether with regard to the vertical relationship (leadership and people), or horizontal (groups of people and each other). To address this problem and to demonstrate that the digital advocacy management presented a new perspective on peaceful democratic transition in Egypt between 2011 and 2015, the study is divided into three parts. It begins with the theoretical framework and the presentation of previous literature, then sheds light on the role of digital advocacy management in the January 25 and June 30 revolutions in terms of youth mobilization, the limits of digital political activity in exchange for collective consensus, coherent identity and social homogeneity, and the third part deals with the Egyptian case as a model for peaceful democratic transformation, and finally, the conclusion. The study proves that the two Egyptian revolutions present a clear model of efficiency and effectiveness of digital media, which emerged as a tool for mass advocacy in refusal to submit to the authoritarian regime and a reaffirmation of the features of the Egyptian identity and a re-reading of the goals and strengths that lie in the strength of the national identity with which the roots of society could not be accessed and destroyed.
This paper emphasizes on enacting comprehensive mainstreaming institutional mechanisms to promote the role of women in socio-economic development in the Arab region. Sustainable development could never take place unless both the government and civil society are committed towards women empowerment and gender parity to achieve gender mainstreaming. However, cultural legacy, with its socioeconomic and political dimensions, is envisaged as the most challenging impediment. There are three critical areas of concern of substantive nature, which are high rates of women illiteracy, passive representative bureaucracy, as a result of underrepresentation at decision-making levels, as well as gender disparity. To investigate women empowerment challenges in the region, the study first presents the multifaceted hurdle of cultural legacy and identifies the relevant social, economic and political challenges from a multidisciplinary perspective. Thereafter, it looks at two inseparable issues facing women in the Arab region, illiteracy and underrepresentation at decision-making levels. The study, then, indicates the pressing need for policy changes to fill up the massive gender gap existing in the majority of Arab States, where not only a description of gender disparity profile of the Arab region is presented but also a comparative outlook vis-à-vis global trends is highlighted. Finally, the research identifies the indispensible roles of both the government and civil society to address key challenges in synchrony. It does not only call for placing women empowerment among the top priorities on the agenda of policy-makers in setting development plans, but also reiterates the significant role of civil society institutions in the areas of illiteracy eradication, civic education, and women rights advocacy. In this context, a framework of recommended policy actions is presented in an attempt to set effective women empowerment mechanisms to achieve gender mainstreaming and hence contribute to sustainable development.
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