Friendships are an important part of what makes us, and our geographies of various kinds, human. We consider how geographers can contribute to efforts to afford friendship greater prominence in the social sciences. The main part of the article considers three strands of work on friendship that push the boundaries of research in human geography: (1) geographies of affect/emotion and the ontological construction of the human; (2) children’s and young people’s geographies and the (re)production of social ordering; and (3) geographies of mobility and transnationalism in a world of increased human spatial movement and social relations at a distance.

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This article proposes a cumulative approach to contemporary manifestations of unfree labour based on an exploration of dynamic combinations of common elements of the phenomenon. This understanding challenges enumerative and depoliticized tendencies in current approaches to both characterizing unfree labour and identifying victims. A cumulative approach recognizes the interlocking impacts of multiple forms of compulsion and duress, which shape the choices migrant workers make when their alternatives are severely limited and agency constrained. To illustrate this approach the article draws on a case study of Bangladeshi contract migrant construction workers in Singapore.

In May 1980, one of the most tragic events in the history of modern South Korea took place. This was the violent repression of civilian demonstrations in the south-western city of Kwangju, during which over 200 people were killed and hundreds more wounded and tortured by the South Korean government of General Chun Doo Hwan. Now, over 20 years later, the uprising has taken on a new national signi cance and legitimacy and is being (re)interpreted as the major catalyst for democratic reform in South Korea. The recent 'of cial' reinterpretation of the uprising has meant that it has become the subject of extensive memorialisation by the Korean state. This paper looks at the process by which the Kwangju Uprising has become reinterpreted, memorialised and subsequently contested in the late 1990s in Kwangju city through a number of 'sites of memory' (memorial sites), including Mangwol-dong Cemetery, where the victims of the uprising are buried.

Critical geographical research has recently drawn attention to representations of vulnerable or exploited groups that articulate racist or neo‐colonial imaginations, including where these geographical imaginations are implicated in the classification and characterisation of groups for legal purposes. In the case of vulnerable groups of migrants such practices can be invoked to create distinctions that justify the socio‐spatial exclusion or containment, thus oftentimes having profound implications for real people who must manoeuvre the consequences of classification. The paper builds on this strand of inquiry by exploring the imaginaries surrounding trafficking victimhood and the implications of classification for temporary labour migrants in Singapore into “trafficked” and “non‐trafficked” categories. I argue that in the Singaporean context government interest in maintaining the current labour/migration regime is equally as significant as racist and neo‐colonial imaginations and intersect with the latter in productive ways to sort vulnerable migrants into categories of trafficked and non‐trafficked.

Organ trafficking is the least researched of all forms of human trafficking. As a result of the ways the phenomenon is framed within academic accounts, government responses and media constructions, almost any situation involving the existence of a commercial market for organs is located within a human trafficking framework. This article takes issue with the presumption of trafficking in commercial kidney markets, using the thriving underground kidney market of Baseco, Manila as a site for this discussion. Two interrelated arguments are made in the article. First, the contextual specificities of the commercial organ market get lost within a universalizing discourse of human trafficking that is also reproduced within much of the academic literature on the topic. Second, commercial organ providers in my research site of the urban slum of Baseco present only 'degrees' of trafficking; meaning that only some elements of trafficking as defined by the United Nations and the Philippines government are present. This means that providers often slip through the anti-human trafficking responses of the Philippines government. The outcome of this is that kidney providers are not the object of any other social policy interventions which could enhance their livelihood and health situations.

In this paper I examine the local mobilisation of the dominant global framing of the problem of human trafficking through 'the female child victim' in child sex trafficking advocacy campaigns. The child victim is a symbolic and emotive frame embodied in the Third World female child and enacted through her helplessness and experiences of extreme violence and (sexual) abuse in trafficking situations across diverse contexts globally. I use The Body Shop's (TBS's) 2009-12 global campaign against child sex trafficking as my site for discussion of the way frames in global human rights activism move into local contexts, often coming to define the ways contemporary human rights problems are understood and reproduced locally. I draw on ethnographic research on human trafficking in Singapore to explore the ways in which the child victim frame is mobilised in a specific locale through the involvement of a local nongovernmental organisation and university student actors as part of TBS's campaign strategy. Although recent geographical scholarship on social movements has embraced a networked approach, I argue for heightened attention to the geographies of scaled (re)iteration, or local mobilisation that occurs as transnational activism connects with particular places. The role of framing in embedding global human rights issues locally in transnational activism is central to this process.

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