Trafficking in part(s): The commercial kidney market in a Manila slum, Philippines

Abstract

Organ trafficking is the least researched of all forms of human trafficking. As a result of the ways the phenomenon is framed within academic accounts, government responses and media constructions, almost any situation involving the existence of a commercial market for organs is located within a human trafficking framework. This article takes issue with the presumption of trafficking in commercial kidney markets, using the thriving underground kidney market of Baseco, Manila as a site for this discussion. Two interrelated arguments are made in the article. First, the contextual specificities of the commercial organ market get lost within a universalizing discourse of human trafficking that is also reproduced within much of the academic literature on the topic. Second, commercial organ providers in my research site of the urban slum of Baseco present only 'degrees' of trafficking; meaning that only some elements of trafficking as defined by the United Nations and the Philippines government are present. This means that providers often slip through the anti-human trafficking responses of the Philippines government. The outcome of this is that kidney providers are not the object of any other social policy interventions which could enhance their livelihood and health situations.

‘I am only half alive’: Organ trafficking in Pakistan amid interlocking oppressions

“…Although both men and women can become victims of organ trafficking, according to the agent we interviewed, previous research on organ trade (e.g., Moazam et al, 2009;Naqvi et al, 2007;Scheper-Hughes, 2005;Yea, 2010), and the Global Report on Trafficking in Persons (2014), published by United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, men outnumber women. However, comparing the practice of kidney trade or kidney trafficking in different countries shows different gendered dimensions and vulnerability to organ removal.…”

Re-conceptualizing the organ trade: separating “trafficking” from “trade” and the implications for law and policy

“…Rather, these studies show that the experiences and outcomes of organs sellers/selling can vary extensively [34][35][36]. Yea, who interviewed organ sellers in a slum in the Philippines notes that "trafficking is generally assumed rather than rigorously established" [34]. She points out that organ sellers present "degrees of trafficking" as many prospective sellers actively seek out brokers [34].…”

“…Yea, who interviewed organ sellers in a slum in the Philippines notes that "trafficking is generally assumed rather than rigorously established" [34]. She points out that organ sellers present "degrees of trafficking" as many prospective sellers actively seek out brokers [34]. Recruiters or brokers are sometimes reported to be the neighbors, relatives, or friends of organ sellers [34,37].…”

“…She points out that organ sellers present "degrees of trafficking" as many prospective sellers actively seek out brokers [34]. Recruiters or brokers are sometimes reported to be the neighbors, relatives, or friends of organ sellers [34,37]. Moreover, some sellers subsequently become brokers themselves [4].…”

Human rights and world culture: The diffusion of legislation against the organ trade

“…Spreading outward from the West -in a diffusionary process via international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs), international governmental 10 While many countries have anti-human trafficking legislation, protectionist measures for victims of the organ trade are often lacking (Gatarin 2014: 123;Yea 2010). 11 Israel's organ donation rate has historically been one of the lowest in the Western world , leading many Israelis to seek organs abroad via the global organ trade.…”