This study explores the role of gender as a factor in decision making about alternative land use options and in responses to new investment opportunities, which has received little attention to date. An observational study to determine the different factors affecting male and female decisions to change land use at the individual level in a forest margin landscape in Jambi (Sumatra, Indonesia) was combined with a set of role playing games (RPGs) designed to assess participant responses in a simulated social setting of women-only and men-only groups. The RPG included simulated agents offering new opportunities to convert or conserve agroforest. In the study area, rubber (Hevea braziliensis) agroforests that support high biodiversity and carbon storage are giving way to monoculture rubber and oil palm (Elaeis guineensis) plantations. When women from both the upland and lowland villages played the RPGs, external investors proposing logging or oil palm conversion were approached very positively and the resulting land use change was more dynamic and extensive than in the equivalent men-only groups. Consequently, women outperformed men in achieving income targets. In lowland areas gender is strongly associated with land use change, while in the uplands the level of conservation awareness plays a more crucial role in the maintenance of rubber agroforests. Based on the data, and contrary to expectations and gender stereotypes, it is expected that the greater involvement of women in landscape level decision making will increase emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in the area, posing further challenges to efforts to reduce such emissions.
Gaps exist between aspirations of 'green agriculture', which protects biodiversity and ecosystem services, and the reality on the ground. Using Q-methodology, we explored expert opinion in Indonesia on the contributing factors to the gaps. Q-methodology indicated three dominant discourses on 'green agriculture' and groups of experts who prioritize them: (1) endorsers of regulations and innovations; (2) providers of resources for access to capital, technology and knowledge; and (3) proponents of green economy (GE) and land-use planning (LUP). Group 1 pointed out the importance of endorsing incentives to reduce the gap, while Group 2 reckoned that building smallholders' capacity and providing them with access to capital, technology, and knowledge are needed to green agricultural practices. Group 3 described the importance of integrating environmental value into the gross domestic product and earmarking sources derived from environmental levies for greening the agricultural sector. All discourses recognized the importance of scientific policy formulation. Groups 1 and 3 agreed that non-synchronization of LUP between national and local governments highly contributes to the gap. Groups 2 and 3 perceived that ecosystem services from the agricultural sector have not been sufficiently understood to promote green agricultural development. By simultaneously addressing the gaps on each level and understanding how each factor contributes to the gap, we propose a set of recommendations to improve the implementation of green agriculture in Indonesia by creating a platform that all three groups can recognize and support.
Social capital increases participation and the success of conservation projects. However, research often overlooks social capital between program participants and nonparticipants. We examine social capital between participants and nonparticipants in villages across the Cidanau Watershed in West Java, Indonesia. Villages in this region have longstanding participation in a Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES) scheme, and previous studies note they contain high levels of social capital. We find that working together, helping each other when someone is in need, and trusting your neighbors are part of the tradition and the history of these communities. Furthermore, we find that high levels of social capital persist between village members who do and do not participate in the PES scheme, despite perceived tensions and jealousy and elite capture in the PES scheme. The high levels of social capital mitigate the social impacts of the PES program. Specifically, participants report giving cash to jealous neighbors and/or providing nonparticipants with information about the PES scheme and encouraging their involvement. The informal actions that participants take to alleviate tension and jealousy mitigate the negative social impacts and perceptions of the PES. Thus, this research extends the literature on PES programs to consider participants and nonparticipants and it demonstrates how high levels of social capital can contribute to project stability by alleviating negative consequences and perceptions through informal mechanisms.
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