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The purpose of this paper is to show how a communication problem was identified between the church and society in New Zealand. The hypothesis was that the way the church presents itself to contemporary society creates a disconnect between the two. As the church is not seen as relevant, those exploring spirituality may therefore never consider the church or Christian spiritualty as being helpful in their exploration. This research looked at whether society (receivers of church communication) and church leaders (as representative of the source of the church’s communication) had the same concept in mind when referring to ‘church’. The theoretical underpinnings of the research started with the basic Shannon-Weaver model of communication.11 The methodology was shaped by the framework of critical studies, and ‘thick description’ from Clifford Geertz was the influencing core qualitative concept behind our method of qualitative research using semi-structured in-depth interviews, focus groups and thematic analysis.22

Since the late 1990s, television light entertainment schedules have increasingly featured programming that focuses on home renovation, a do-it-yourself principle and associated ‘lifestyle choices’. Such programming typically rates highly with audiences and is very attractive to networks and producers (if only because its formulaic nature ensures production costs are relatively low). Here, one common characteristic is the central focus on the ‘deserving’ nature of the protagonists. Notably, this moral dimension both drives the narrative (how will the contestants fare in the set tasks?) and underpins the jeopardy (will the outcome be consonant with their level of ‘worth’?). Crucially, home makeover formats also offer sponsors unparalleled opportunities to integrate their products into the content of the programme. This article will outline the marketing and televisual underpinnings of such programming, with a particular focus on ‘moral jeopardy’. This term is defined as the tension ensuing from the moral positioning of contestants within reality programming. Using Season Two of The Block New Zealand (2012) as a case study, it will demonstrate how that tension may be uneasily or incompletely resolved, especially when the outcome for particular contestants is asynchronous with the expectation established within the narrative of the show.

Infomercial queen, recording artist, bankrupt, dancing victor; Suzanne Paul was a fixture on New Zealand television for more than 15 years and has been celebrated, valorised, critiqued and embraced. Yet, perhaps because of her ‘low-end’ appeal, Paul’s place on our screens has not been rigorously investigated. In this article, we argue that Paul’s importance lies in three main areas. First, during the 1990s, she was responsible for the paradigmatic televisual form—the infomercial. Second, she can be understood as a liminal figure, and one who encapsulates the dilemma of cultural production as a ‘new New Zealander’. Third, her story offers a case study of how the nominally famous can move from using themselves to sell products to selling themselves as a product—the ultimate selling (of) celebrity. Further, we argue that Paul cannot be understood without reference to the centrality of scandal to her persona and, indeed, narrative as a celebrity. The first ‘act’ of her career saw the television (and advertising) industry scandalised by her undercutting their standards with cheap, almost deliberately unironic infomercial marketing; the second saw her attempt a transition to the mainstream before a spectacular business failure and bankruptcy; in the third she embraced her disgrace, remodelled her persona and won a reality television dancing programme. Ultimately, we contend that Paul’s career depended on a constant interplay between the carefully constructed appeal she projected and her responsibility for, and responses to, a semi-permanent state of scandal.

New Zealand television networks introduced infomercials (30 minute advertisements designed to appear as if they are programmes) in late 1993. Although infomercials date from the 1950s in the USA, they were unknown in this country and quickly came to be seen as a peculiarly “intense” form of hyper-commercial broadcasting. This article aims to sketch out the cultural importance of the infomercial by analysing historical published primary sources (from the specialist and general press) as they reflect the views and opinions that resulted from the introduction of the infomercial. Specifically, it outlines the three main areas where that cultural importance was located. It concludes by analysing the significance of the cultural impact of the infomercial, both within broadcasting and within wider society.