Is there a gender gap in Latin American attitudes toward women politicians? While scholars of Latin America have examined the role of institutions and quotas in women's electoral success, less attention has been paid to voters' attitudes about women leaders. In this paper, we report on two survey experiments and an observational study in Brazil looking at the effect of candidate gender on vote choice. We asked subjects to chose a candidate from a hypothetical ballot while randomly varying candidates' gender. We find a strong and consistent 5-7 percentage point pro-female bias. Our experiments illustrate a novel approach to testing candidate choice models.

Although racial injustice and inequality are widely acknowledged in Brazil, recent experimental research concludes that citizens there do not rely on racial cues when voting. In this article, we test for the impact of candidate race on vote choice. We fi nd evidence of identity-based voting in Brazil that interacts with ballot size. When facing a short ballot with only a few candidates, most subjects chose candidates without regard to race or color. But when presented with a large ballot with many candidates, white and brown subjects show a signifi cant preference for same-race candidates. Selfidentifi ed black subjects, however, demonstrated a strong and consistent preference for black candidates regardless of choice set size. These results are particularly important given Brazil's electoral rules that provide voters with overwhelming numbers of candidates from which to choose.

There are numerous studies of the effects of partisan cues in developed democracies, but almost none on how they affect voting in new multiparty systems. This lacuna might stem from untested assumptions that partisan cues are un-influential where parties lack longstanding records as governors, ideological cores, and psychological bonds with citizens. Alternatively, we theorize that even in new multiparty systems, voters use partisan cues to assess candidates' potential performance, resource distribution, democratic credentials, and electoral viability. We test this theory through an experiment in which we varied inclusion of party identifiers on ballots in Uganda, where the multiparty system was only five years old. We find that partisan cues increased selection of major-party candidates over independents, straight-ticket ballots, and votes for copartisans. Our results challenge the common assumption that partisan affiliation is irrelevant to voters in new party systems. Partisan cues can influence political decision-making, even when party-systems are young.

This paper conducts an experimental test of the theory of ideational populism in a mostlikely case: a well-known Chilean populist presidential candidate, Roxana Miranda. At the time of our study, Chile had the necessary conditions for ideational populism: corruption scandals and a crisis of political representation that lowered citizens' trust in establishment elites. The stimulus was a speech that included the core elements of ideational populist discourse. Despite the careful experimental design and a ripe political atmosphere, we found no effects of populist discourse on voting intentions or evaluations of Miranda among the research participants. We discuss the possible reasons for these null findings. Rather than disqualifying the theory of ideational populism, we conclude that our research calls theorists to incorporate other elementsideology, gender, issue positions, strategic votinginto their models of ideational populism.For some time, the word populism has been circulating like a debased currency in the political marketplace. Politicians with a wide range of convictions and practices have strived to dissociate from the label and detach it from their actions. Scholars, conversely, have not hesitated to use it-outright and with qualifying adjectives-despite the ambiguity that surrounds it. Readers with keen eyes will notice our appropriation of the beginning lines of Schmitter and Karl's (1991) classic, "What Democracy is . . . and is not." Like democracy, populism "is a word whose meaning we must discern if it is to be of any use in guiding political analysis and practice" (Schmitter and Karl 1991: 75). The conceptual work on democracy Schmitter and Karl catalyzed has had salutary demonstration effects for scholars of populism. Indeed, lively debates have encouraged a plowing, and some winnowing, . In this same spirit, this study tests some behavioral implications of the ideational definition of populism (Hawkins and Rovira Kaltwasser forthcoming-b) with an experimental design in a most-likely case. Our results are inconsistent with predictions of the theory of ideational populism. To advance the ongoing theoretical debate, we reflect on which elements of our case might account for the slippage between expectations and empirics.We proceed as follows. First, we describe the ideational definition and theory of populism. Next we discuss former Chilean presidential candidate, Roxana Miranda, as a most-likely case for ideational populism. Then we present our experimental design. After reporting the (null) results, we conclude with reflections on what this failure can (and cannot) tell us about the validity of ideational populism.

Does pre-existing preference based on skin tone, facial features, and other observable characteristics, i.e., phenotypic preference, affect immigrant voters' support for political candidates competing in their countries of origin? Do these preferences change as migrants's tenure in their host society increases? These question are important for ethnic and racial politics in general, and particularly for the sizable foreign-born population in the United States, which includes 11 million Mexicans. Using a unique, random sample of foreign-born Mexicans in San Diego County, we employ a voting experiment to test the impact of skin tone and phenotype on vote choice among first generation immigrants. Our design allows us to distinguish responses to different phenotypic cues by exposing respondents to European, mestizo and indigenous looking candidates competing in a hypothetical Mexican election. Migrants showed higher support for the Indigenous candidate, and evaluated the European and Mestizo candidates as more ideologically conservative. As migrants' time in the United States increases, the preference for indigenous features gives way to a preference for whiteness, which we interpret as evidence of first generation migrants adopting the dominant racial ideology of the United States. While ethnic distinctions have long been viewed as a key component of voting behavior, our research demonstrates that, even within a single ethnicity, racial differences may have profound impacts on the evaluation of and support for electoral candidates. This study contributes to the research