This study evaluates the extent to which the 2004 well publicized Catholic Bishops' warnings and the Church Doctrinal Note mandating that parishioners oppose candidates who supported policies contrary to Church doctrine influenced Catholic support for presidential candidate John Kerry. Data were drawn from a 2004 national survey of 493 Catholic adults using random digit dial procedures and commissioned by Time magazine. Multivariate analyses indicate that the influence of the Bishops' warnings and the Doctrinal Note diverged by respondents' religious belief. Liberal Catholics exposed to these messages were more likely to support Kerry while conservative Catholics exposed to these messages were more likely to support Bush. The net effect of leaders' messages appeared to have helped rather than hurt Kerry. Our findings point to a multiplicity of effects for religious leaders' messages and should provide a note of caution for religious leaders who take pronounced stances on political affairs.In the waning days of the primary election season in 2004, several Catholic Bishops warned that communion would be withheld from Catholics in their parishes who supported American presidential candidate John Kerry because of his liberal stances on social issues. Such castigations, were,
This article looks at the devolution of policing in Northern Ireland. It begins with an outline of the historical context of policing in Northern Ireland and looks at the concept of legitimacy. I examine the motives and rhetoric of those involved in the devolution of policing in Northern Ireland. I also outline the reforms to policing as well as the difficulties faced on the ground. Where appropriate I compare developments in Northern Ireland with other post‐conflict situations. This article is written from the perspective of commending those politicians, police officers and others who have taken risks for peace and whose leadership has led to the devolution of policing in Northern Ireland, which represents a completion of the devolution of powers to Northern Ireland as promised in the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. I argue that honesty about the past is key to the process of ‘conflict resolution’– for the police, politicians and paramilitaries.
the now-defunct Street Crimes Unit whose effects were experienced with particular harshness, then as now, among black and Latino men and youth in the city's more economically marginalized communities. 5 The responses to these campaigns at the time included an upsurge of complaints brought before the Civilian Complaint Review Board, 6 five governmental investigations, 7 and a lawsuit, Daniels v. City of New York, 8 litigated by the Center for Constitutional Rights, that among other things, sought to enjoin stop-and-frisks without a showing of reasonable suspicion and to enjoin Street Crimes Unit officers from basing stops on race or national origin. 9 Among the governmental inquires, a report issued in 1999 by the New York Attorney General's Office compiled data demonstrating that blacks in New York City were stopped for weapons searches six times as often and Latino's four times as often as whites. 10 The next year, a report of the US Commission of Civil Rights pointed to NYPD data that, to use its terms, strongly suggested that the NYPD used racial profiling in stops, frisks, and searches. 11 Along with those official inquiries, and there were others going on in the city-an investigation in the Department of Justice as well 12-community-based groups including Parents Against Police Brutality, 13 the National Congress of Puerto Rican Rights, 14 and the 5 Id.
Power-sharing government resumed in Northern Ireland on 8 May 2007 after a historic agreement was reached between the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Fein. Unionist Ian Paisley became First Minister and Sinn Fein’s Martin McGuinness, former Chief of Staff of the Irish Republican Army (IRA), became Deputy First Minister. The Provisional Republican movement has signed up to the decommissioning of weapons and policing in Northern Ireland; and hard-line Unionism has signed up to power-sharing and cross-border bodies. For the vast majority in Northern Ireland the conflict is over after almost a century of political turmoil and more than a generation of violent conflict. It is fitting, therefore, to examine the ‘war of ideas’ in the revisionist controversy that dominated Irish historiography throughout the period of this conflict. The purpose of this article is to offer an overview of this controversy. The writing on the Easter Rising of 1916 serves to illuminate the discussion and will aid in answering the issue of what the revisionist controversy is all about. In this article revisionism is defined as a re-examination of the ideological roots of current orthodoxy in response to the contemporary conflict in Northern Ireland. The article looks at how a variety of historians have reacted to this violent crisis, and how they concluded that revisionism was necessary: that is, how the deconstruction and re-evaluation of ideology and a new interpretation of history are crucial in understanding such crises of violence (and perhaps thereby defusing the tension). The article examines the nature and extent of this revisionist intellectual response. It recognizes that even though intellectuals are influenced by political conflicts, they do not necessarily follow political agendas.
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