The visual environment of Cree Indians from the east coast of James Bay, Quebec, is different from that of city-raised Euro-Canadians. So also are their corresponding orientation anisotropies in visual acuity. A Euro-Canadian sample exhibited the usual higher resolution for vertically and horizontally oriented gratings as compared with oblique orientations, while a Cree Indian sample did not. The most parsimonious explanation of these acuity differences is that orientation-specific detectors in humans are tuned by the early visual environment.
Examined is the hypothesis that the psychological response to social change would vary as a function of both the acculturative pressures brought to bear on a community, and the traditional cultural and behavioural features that characterize the community. By sampling from communities of Amerindian peoples, across an eco-cultural range, evidence was presented which indicated that the greater the cultural discontinuities across cultures, then the greater the acculturative stress; within Amerindian communities, levels of psychological differentiation were negatively related to acculturative stress. Specific cultural and individual differences must be taken into account when attempting to understand relationships between culture contact and acculturative stress; its course is not universal.
An affect discrepancy model is proposed to explain the processes by which children come to know and identify with a minority or majority group. According to this model, which integrates ideas from cognitive-development and social identity theories, level of cognitive structure and self-esteem predict own-group attitudes. In both minority and majority group children, increases in cognitive structure is associated with the development of positive own-group attitudes. Self-esteem is also associated with own-group attitudes but the relationship differs for minority and majority children. Among majority children self-esteem is positively related to own-group attitudes, but is inversely related for minority children. To test this model, White and Indian children in kindergarten and grades one and two answered racial identity, preference, social distance and recognition questions by pointing to pictures of Whites, Indians and Blacks. Several weeks later subjects completed measures of concrete operational thought and self-esteem. Indian children made more cross-racial choices than did Whites, even though Indians were more accurate than Whites in recognizing the pictures. Structural equation models indicated that for both groups, cognitive development was positively associated with own-group choices. Self-esteem was positively related to own-group choices for Whites but inversely related for Indians. Results were discussed in terms of the affect-discrepancy model, particularly in regards to the influence of level of cognitive structure and self-esteem on own-group identity. ResumeNous proposons un modele de divergence affective pour expliquer les processus par lesquels les enfants viennent a s'identifier a un groupe minoritaire oil majoritaire. Selon ce modele, qui integre des idees puisees dans les theories du deVeloppement cognitif ct de l'identite sociale, le niveau de developpement de la structure cognitive et Ie degre d'estime de soi permettent de predire les attitudes a l'egard du groupe d'appartenance. Chez les deux groupes d'enfants (majoritaire ct minoritaire), l'accroissement de la complexity cognitive est relie'e au deVeloppement d'attitudes positives envers le groupe d'appartenance. L'estime de soi est egalement reliee a ces attitudes, mais la relation differe pour les enfants appartenant a un groupe minoritaire et pour les enfants du
A model which examined interrelationships among ecological setting, cultural adaptation and psychological differentiation was proposed. Details of each element of the model were discussed, and behavioural predictions were made. Specifically, hunters and gatherers, who were migratory and low in population density and food accumulation were expected to exhibit high levels of psychological differentiation in perceptual, social and affective areas of psychological differentiation. Conversely, sedentary peoples who were higher in population density and food accumulation were expected to exhibit lower levels of differentiation, while those peoples who were ecologically intermediate were expected to exhibit moderate levels. Sampling in Amerindian communities, and comparing these new data to previous African, Australian, and Eskimo data, led to the conclusion that higher levels of differentiation in perceptual, social and affective domains do indeed characterize hunters and gatherers. However, such differences within a single culture area were minimal. An examination of the cross‐cultural stability of the concept of psychological differentiation suggested greatest internal consistency for hunters and gatherers, and less for sedentary peoples; constant relationships with socialization emphases were found, while variations in sex differences were related to features of socio‐cultural stratification.
Nurses work with individuals, families, groups, and communities where lives are enriched and challenged by cultural diversity. The purpose of this article is to discuss challenges and strategies for respecting culture and honoring diversity. This article diverges from the traditional nursing practice of working with individuals to working with collectives, to community practice beyond individuals and families, beyond community as context, to community as client. Culture and ethnicity are defined to set the stage for discussion of theory and its application to practice. Acculturation theory is explored through comparisons of the Canadian mosaic and American melting pot. Cultural competence, cultural attunement, and cultural humility are examined, and recommendations for effective community practice in working with groups and organizations are shared.
The present study examined several theories regarding self-identification and racial preference among White and Native children. Construct accessibility theory predicts that cues, such as experimenter's race, prime race and race-related constructs, making them more accessible for processing race-related information. Both the escape and light colour bias hypotheses predict (for different reasons) that minority group children should identify with and show a preference for White children. To test these ideas White and Native children were asked by a White or Indian experimenter to answer questions about their racial identity and preferences. Subjects responded by pointing to a picture of a White boy, a White girl, a Native boy, or a Native girl. Consistent with predictions from accessibility theory, subjects of both races made more accurate self-identifications when tested by an Indian experimenter, this effect being greater for Native children. Subject's racial preferences, on the other hand, showed a strong White bias, results consistent with both the escape and the light colour bias hypotheses. The different pattern of responses to preference and self-identity questions was discussed in term of Zajonc's (1980) distinction between cognitive and affective processes. Applications of these findings to educational and cultural issues confronting Native people are presented.Nearly fifty years ago Clark and Clark (1939) found that Black children typically chose a White rather than a Black doll to play with, called White dolls nice, and viewed Black dolls as bad. From these and other findings Clark and Clark inferred that American Blacks reject their race. Subsequent studies have supported these findings (but not necessarily their interpretation), and have also indicated that they are not limited to Blacks; racial identification and preference among other visible minorities such as Native Indians, Chinese Americans, Chicanos, and New Zealand Maoris also demonstrates a consistent White bias (see Aboud & Skerry, 1984). For example, both George and Hoppe (1979) andHunsberger (1978) have shown that Canadian Native children, when presented with pictures or dolls of White and Native children, were more likely to misidentify which doll looked like them, to prefer the White doll as a playmate, and were less accurate than White age peers at indicating which picture or doll looked like a Native child. Other studies Our thanks are extended to Candis Caryk, Donna Gamble, Sonia Pressman, Lillian Bighetty, and Hilda Bighetty for serving as our experimenters. Special thanks are extended to the teachers and principals of the Brandon School System and to Peter Giesbrecht for his programming skills. We are grateful to Francis Aboud and Cliff Anderson for their comments on an earlier draft of the manuscript.
Levels of cognitive development and perceived self-competencies have been shown to predict attitudes held by children in both minority and majority groups toward own-group members. Teacher appraisals may also influence children’s own-group attitudes by enforcing category-based expectancies and stereotypes about children’s group membership. To test this idea, White and Native Indian children in kindergarten, grades 1 and 2, answered recognition, similarity, and evaluation questions by pointing to pictures of Whites, Natives, and Blacks. Measures of children’s concrete operational thought and self-competency were obtained, as were classroom teacher ratings, of each child’s cognitive ability, peer acceptance, and physical development. Structural equation models indicated that teacher evaluations predicted White children’s, but not Native children’s own-group attitudes. Teacher ratings of Native children’s competencies did not predict minority children’s attitudes about themselves or own-group members. Implications of these findings for teacher expectancy effects and factors influencing teacher’s judgements of majority and minority group children were discussed.
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