<p>The slogans propagated by Chinese leader Hu Jintao—namely “rise in peace”, “a harmonious socialist society”, and “a harmonious world”—reflects the country’s age-old Confucian values. Considering the fact that the PRC only recognizes communism as the state ideology and that Confucianism was subjected to harsh criticism during the Cultural Revolution era (1966–1976), the presence of Confucian values in PRC’s political propaganda becomes an interesting research topic. Both Confucianism and communism<br />put the state as the center of power and sovereignty. This research used the historicalchronological approach by examining the attitude of the PRC government towards Confucianism from 1980 to 2012. Results show that such a consistent philosophy has been successful in strengthening the government’s legitimacy. As it continues to rise, the PRC needs to adopt a robust philosophical basis such as Confucianism to serve as part of its soft power. Confucianism has been adjusted to the country’s current situations<br />and utilized so extensively for decades that it can be considered as PRC’s main vehicle for national development. This article examines and presents the historical role of Confucianism in PRC’s rise.</p>
When entering the 21st century, China's spectacular progress, especially in the economic field, has led to the emergence of the opinion that the 21st century is the 'Chinese Century.' Xi Jinping, who started leading the PRC in 2012, seemed to want to emphasize that opinion and started by propagating the 'Chinese Dream.' A year later, Xi floated the idea of revitalizing the Silk Road, which later developed into the Belt-Road Initiative (BRI). BRI is projected to connect China directly to three of the seven continents in the world, in which infrastructure development and trade cooperation are the primary concerns. This article uses a historical approach to discuss how the BRI can be seen as a process of completing Xi Jinping's historical tasks. The review focuses on tracing the sustainability of the PRC leaders' policies and the BRI policy's operational basis. From there, it was revealed that after the PRC succeeded in developing the rhetoric of the presence of the 'Chinese Century,' the BRI, with all its implications, was a process to realize the Chinese dream, formulated in the Liangge Yibai target. The whole process is Xi Jinping's historical task that must be completed.
This article describes the interaction between the structure and agency of ex-adherent of Kawula Warga Naluri in Banjarnegara District to maintain cultural identity and fight against the stereotype of "belum beragama" (does not belong to any religion) after the September 30th Movement incident in 1965. This article is a study of social history carried out through stages according to the rules of the historical method. The historical sources used are oral, namely historical actors and witnesses combined with written sources. Data obtained were analysed and interpreted using the structuration theory adopted from Giddens. This article produces an explanation of the reciprocal relationship between the structure of religious rules and socio-political conditions with the choice of Buddha Dharma as the religion of ex-adherent of Kawula Warga Naluri. The choice of Buddha Dharma is a form of rejection of the stereotype of "belum beragama" adherence to religious rules and persistence of cultural identity. In adapting to the Buddha Dharma, the ex-adherent of Kawula Warga Naluri face suspicious attitudes from the local government. The ex-adherent of Kawula Warga Naluri responds to this attitude in an accommodative and moderate manner. This article concludes that there is an interaction between structure and the act of disbanding, application of religious obligations, and the defense of cultural identity through Buddha Dharma by ex-adherent of Kawula Warga Naluri.
Dazibao literally translated as big character poster. Since China dynasty era dazibao has functioned as a medium to deliver messages to the public, therefore it is usually posted on an open wall. The use of dazibao as a propaganda medium for Mao Zedong and the Chinese Communist Party has been widely discussed, but in the research process, specific data were found which show that revolutionary action and the number of Red Guards increased sharply in the short period of time after the dazibao of Nie Yuanzi from Beijing University and Mao Zedong were published. These findings aroused interest to dig deeper into dazibao’s strong elements as a Red Guards mobilizing medium during the Cultural Revolution which become the main analysis of this article. Historical approach which consist of heuristic, verification, interpretation, and historiography is used to reconstruct the strength of dazibao. The analysis focuses on the two dazibao mentioned above, along with Mao Zedong's influence and socio-political development at that time as inseparable factors. The result shows that writers background, main issue, form, and diction used are elements of the strength of Nie’s dazibao and supported by Mao’s dazibao caused dazibao to have a very significant function in raising the number of Red Guards during the Chinese Cultural Revolution 1966-1969.Dazibao secara harfiah dalam bahasa Indonesia berarti poster dengan tulisan besar. Sejak era kedinastian Tiongkok telah dikenal dan digunakan sebagai sarana penyampai pesan kepada masyarakat, karena itu biasanya ditempel di dinding terbuka. Pemanfaatan dazibao sebagai sarana propaganda Mao Zedong dan Partai Komunis Tiongkok telah banyak dibahas, tapi dalam proses penelitian ditemukan data spesifik yang menunjukkan bahwa aksi revolusioner dan jumlah Pengawal Merah meningkat tajam dalam jangka waktu singkat setelah publikasi dazibao Nie Yuanzi dari Universitas Beijing dan dazibao Mao Zedong. Temuan tersebut membangkitkan ketertarikan untuk menggali lebih dalam tentang factor-faktor yang menjadi kekuatan dazibao sebagai sarana penggalangan Pengawal Merah pada Revolusi Kebudayaan tersebut. Hal itulah yang menjadi pokok bahasan artikel ini. Metode sejarah yang mencakup tahapan heuristik, verifikasi, interpretasi, dan historiografi digunakan untuk merekonstruksi kekuatan dazibao terutama yang tercermin dalam dazibao Nie dan Mao. Dalam pembahasan pengaruh Mao Zedong serta perkembangan sosial-politik saat itu menjadi bagian tak terpisahkan didalamnya. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa latar penulis, pokok bahasan, tampilan, dan pilihan kata/diksi merupakan faktor-faktor yang menjadi kekuatan dazibao Nie. Ditambah dengan dukungan dari dazibao yang dibuat Mao serta publikasi yang masif menyebabkan dazibao berfungsi sangat signifikan dalam penggalangan Pengawal Merah pada Revolusi Kebudayaan Tiongkok tahun 1966-1969.
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