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By examining Hispanic students both currently and formerly enrolled at a private, Hispanic-serving Institution located in the Southwestern region of the United States, this study attempts to understand the factors that lead to Hispanic undergraduate persistence to graduation. Adapting Bronfenbrenner’s theoretical approach, this study explores three dimensions that are critical to understanding Hispanic undergraduate persistence to graduation: (a) the role of the student context (b) the role of the university context in the student’s decision to persist; and (c) the interaction between the two contexts.

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This article examines candidate favorability among Colombian expatriates and Colombians in the home country in the 2010 Colombian presidential elections. It analyzes the influence of several socioeconomic, migratory, mobilizing, and contextual factors on candidate appraisal using a large exit poll conducted at Colombian consulates in five cities in the United States and Europe and five cities with high emigration rates in Colombia. Aside from differences in candidate favorability stemming from socioeconomic variables (education, income, and religious affiliation), Colombians living abroad largely evaluate candidates in ways similar to Colombians living in the country.T he right to vote is a cornerstone of modern liberal democracy. In recent decades, dozens of countries around the world have extended this right to expatriates living abroad-a remarkable change in electoral practices. 1 While much is known about the factors that shape candidate evaluations and voting preferences in conventional electorates-that is, electorates confined within a nation's borders-researchers have only lately begun to systematically investigate transnational political participation. When expatriate voters evaluate candidates, what considerations are salient, and how do these considerations compare to those of voters "back home"? Are participants who live abroad fundamentally different in their political preferences and assessments, given the distance and time away from the country? Answers to such questions bear directly on our understanding of political representation in an era of globalized citizenship. They are relevant as well for policymakers and reformers seeking to expand the participatory environment in the world's migrant-sending democracies.This article focuses on long-distance voting in the Colombian context. In 2010, Colombians elected a new president, and expatriates were able to participate, as they had since 1962. The two main contenders in the runoff election were Juan Manuel

This article describes findings from three successive empirical studies that examine the determinants of participation in transnational organizations by Latin immigrants in the United States, the character of the membership and activities of these organizations, and their bearing on the political incorporation of their respective communities. Results from these studies reveal that older, better-educated, and higher-status migrants are most likely to participate in transnational organizations linking them to their home countries. So are those with longer periods of US residence. Since migrants with these characteristics are precisely those with greater chances for US citizenship acquisition and participation in American politics, findings suggest that transnational activism and immigrant political integration are not at odds. Quantitative analyses of the determinants of political contact and political activism of immigrant organizations in the US indicate, unsurprisingly, that wealthier groups and those with a membership formed by better-educated and longer residents are most likely to be politically active. The societies left behind make a difference in the propensity toward political activism by different nationalities. Despite such differences, the overall trend is for immigrant transnational activism, individual and collective, not to retard political incorporation in the United States. Both processes occur simultaneously and appear, under certain circumstances, to reinforce each other. This conclusion contradicts both conventional assimilation theory and nativistic rhetoric. Contrary to assimilation expectations, older and better-educated immigrants rather than recent arrivals are those most likely to initiate and maintain ties with their home countries. Contrary to nativistic rhetoric, there is no zero-sum relationship between such activities and successful political incorporation to the United States.

Although a large number of democracies have extended political rights to expatriates, relatively little is known about the depths of transnational political engagement. How attentive are expatriates to politics in the country of origin? When expatriates judge leaders "back home," are their evaluations based on the same ideological considerations as those of citizens in the country of origin? Drawing from original surveys conducted during presidential elections in Mexico (2006) and Colombia (2010), in which both emigrants and citizens within the country were sampled, this study addresses these questions. The results indicate that for each nationality group, living abroad is not associated with a drop in political attentiveness, and time abroad does not in and of itself depress attention to politics from a distance. Moreover, emigrants and individuals in the country of origin do not vary in the extent to which ideological preferences are used to judge presidents, which is a key marker of political sophistication. These results suggest that in the context of Mexican and Colombian politics, living abroad does not markedly diminish the potential for effective democratic engagement. Si bien gran número de democracias han extendido derechos políticos a los emigrantes, se sabe relativamente poco sobre el compromiso político transnacional. ¿Qué tan atentos son los emigrantes a la política del país de origen? ¿Cuándo se juzga a los líderes de este país, la evaluación que les hacen los emigrantes se basa en las mimas consideraciones que los ciudadanos del país de origen? Este estudio aborda estas preguntas utilizando encuestas originales realizadas durante las elecciones presidenciales en México (2006) y en Colombia (2010) y donde ambos, emigrantes y ciudadanos dentro del país de origen, fueron parte del muestreo. El resultado indica que en los dos casos de México y Colombia el vivir fuera del país no está asociado con una baja de la atención a lo político, y que el tiempo vivido por fuera no reduce por si solo esta atención desde la distancia. Aún más, emigrantes e individuos en el país de origen no difieren en la forma de usar las preferencias ideológicas para juzgar a los presidentes, lo que es una marca clave de sofisticación política. Estos resultados sugieren que en el contexto de la política de México y Colombia, vivir afuera no disminuye el potencial de compromiso político democrático.

This study examined Hispanic undergraduate students' campus engagement at a private Hispanic Serving Institution. Through an analysis of survey responses of 84 students, a new measurement of ethnic loyalty is utilized. This study found that students who are more ethnically loyal are more likely to partake in campus resources than other students. In exploring Hispanic students' background in a novel way, this study contributed to efforts to promote integration and Hispanic student success. Resumen Este estudio examinó la conexión universitaria que estudiantes de pregrado tienen en una universidad privada que sirve a hispanos. Utilizando una medida nueva de lealtad étnica se analizaron las respuestas de 84 estudiantes. Se encontró que los estudiantes más leales étnicamente tienen más probabilidades de utilizar los recursos universitarios. Al explorar los antecedentes de los estudiantes hispanos en forma nueva, este estudio contribuyó a los esfuerzos promotores de integración y al éxito estudiantil hispano.

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