Survival from out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA) varies across the developed world. Although not all OHCA are recoverable, the survival rate in Scotland is lower than in comparable countries, with higher average survival rates of 7.9% in England and 9% across Europe. The purpose of this paper is to explore the barriers, facilitators and public attitudes to administering bystander cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) which could inform future policy and initiatives to improve the rate of bystander CPR. Data was collected via a cross-sectional general population survey of 1027 adults in Scotland. 52% of respondents had been trained in CPR. Of those who were not trained, two fifths (42%) expressed a willingness to receive CPR training. Fewer than half (49%) felt confident administering CPR, rising to 82% if they were talked through it by a call handler. Multivariate analyses identified that people in social grade C2DE were less likely than those in social grade ABC1 to be CPR trained and less confident to administer CPR if talked through by a call handler. The older a person was, the less likely they were to be CPR trained, show willingness to be CPR trained or be confident to administer bystander CPR with or without instruction from an emergency call handler. These findings are particularly relevant considering that most OHCA happen in the homes of older people. In a developed country such as Scotland with widely available CPR training, only half of the adult population reported feeling confident about administering bystander CPR. Further efforts tailored specifically for people who are older, unemployed and have a lower social grade are required to increase knowledge, confidence and uptake of training in bystander CPR.
The UK and Ireland incidence of KD has increased and is more frequently seen in winter and rural areas. Delayed IVIG treatment is associated with CAA, suggesting earlier and adjunctive primary treatment might reduce complications to prevent CAA, particularly in the very young.
PurposeThe paper refers to the drivers of social entrepreneurship and critically explores the notion that it is prompted by a personal mission to enable some social or ideologically motivated altruism. It refers to Shapero's Entrepreneurial Event Theory and the adaptation of it for social entrepreneurship in Mair and Noboa (2006) and develops these so that both agency and context may be considered.Design/methodology/approachFieldwork comprised a qualitative sample of 12 life-story narratives of social entrepreneurs in Central Scotland. The location was chosen because of its reputation for support of social entrepreneurship, and the qualitative methodology allowed for a depth of inspection and analysis of complex and situational experiences.FindingsFindings include observation of altruism but there are other drivers, including the appeal of the social entrepreneurship business model. Context emerges as a critical feature of social entrepreneurship too, including spurs for altruism and the human, financial and social capitals, skills and experiences of social entrepreneurs.Originality/valueThe paper finds that the social entrepreneurship process involves both agency and context and is complex, and for some, reflects a strategic approach similar to commercial entrepreneurship. The paper also proposes further adaptation to Entrepreneurial Event Theory to capture this complexity of the social entrepreneurship process.
This three-stage qualitative paper explores the motivations and experiences of gray entrepreneurship through age-related lenses outlined in behavioral psychology literature. In contrast to economic approaches that presuppose financial drivers, findings reveal that intrinsic drivers such as achievement, fulfillment, and relationships had primacy among the participants in this research. Entrepreneurship enabled the older people in this study to construct their social environments in a way that maximizes the potential for positive affect, and minimizes the potential for negative affect, both in and out of work.
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the developing literature on entrepreneurship and identity by exploring the multidimensionality of older (50+) British women entrepreneurs’ identity. By using positionality as a lens, greater insight into the complexity of the lived multiple identities of older women entrepreneurs is explored. Design/methodology/approach A total of 12 in-depth qualitative interviews took place throughout the UK seeking to capture the various experiences of how older women engage with intersecting discourses surrounding enterprise culture and ageing whilst constructing their identities. Findings Overall, findings evidence the outcomes of these intersecting dimensions are largely positive and demonstrate the life enhancing benefits of these overlaps. Whilst tension was evidenced between age and how these women entrepreneurs perceive their entrepreneurial identities, as well as some constraints between identity as “mother” and “entrepreneur”, overall synergy was found between the intersection of older women entrepreneurs’ social identities and their entrepreneurial identity. It must be noted, however, that this synergy was heavily reliant on context and stage of life for these women. Originality/value This paper challenges the traditional discourse of entrepreneurship, which produces a homogenous view of entrepreneurs and omits key historical and social variables in the process of identity formation. The current paper adds to increasing calls to develop more sophisticated ways of measuring and understanding entrepreneurship and its impacts. The authors echo calls throughout the most recent literature to move away from the agency agenda and pursue lines of enquiry that examine entrepreneurship as a process in contexts that are underpinned by both agency and external factors.
PurposeThis paper aims to explore experiences of poverty in the enterprise amongst people with a disability or long-term health challenges. This paper departs somewhat from established wisdom about economic or financial drivers of enterprise by exploring why a disabled individual would start and continue to operate in a business where that business is providing income-poverty. In so doing, it subscribes to the idea that the enterprise involves reflexive engagement of an agent in context where value(s) of the enterprise other than financial may be prioritised.Design/methodology/approachThe research draws from a larger qualitative study of self-employment and poverty in which half the sample (21 individuals) identified as experiencing disability or poor health. Semi-structured interviews were conducted these participants and a thematic analysis with specific reference to Theory of Venturing, which proposes that the value of enterprise is reflexively and idiosyncratically understood and morphogenetic, was used to explore itinerant issues, experiences and challenges.FindingsIn line with the theory, findings include that disability and poor health are observed to be both prompters and shapers of an enterprise and that the value of enterprise is not always primarily associated with financial wealth for the participants in the sample. Flexibility and autonomy are attractive features of self-employment for some in the face of an inflexible and sometimes hostile labour market.Originality/valueThis paper demonstrates that engaging in enterprise is motivated by an agent's reflexive evaluation of value(s) and how that enables them to navigate their structural condition(s); this contribution enhances theoretical approaches to enterprise and business creation by illuminating some of its diversity. This paper also contributes some much needed data about a group who are under-represented in the enterprise literature despite being over-represented in practice. There are implications and recommendations for policy and practice in the exposure and analysis of the issues emerging.
since it carries with it the potential for reduction of unemployment rates. However, while it is true that new businesses employ the founder and sometimes others (Audretsch and Thurik, 2001), business is not an economic panacea. It has become associated with economic valueadding because of the conflation of two quite distinct types of business activity. First are the growth-oriented start-ups with the potential to contribute employment and financial value, referred to specifically as 'entrepreneurial' firms (Baumol, 1990;Audretsch, 2006;Bögenhold, 2019). Thereafter, all other businesses, including selfemployment, are pulled together with these to arrive at a conceptual and statistical 'entrepreneurship' rate (e.g. Bosma and Kelley, 2019). In this chapter we use the term 'enterprise' to refer to holistic business venturing activity, thereby reserving the term 'entrepreneurship' for a specific growth-oriented business type.Despite the conflation of the range of business, there is an ongoing narrative throughout the literature that, by value-adding, (all) enterprise generates wealth and is therefore a solution to poverty (see for example Rindova et al., 2009;Bruton et al., 2013). Supporting this assertion is evidence of high levels of intentions to start up or become self-employed amongst the Western poor (unhelpfully referred to in some papers as 'entrepreneurial intentions') (Hart et al., 2018). This chapter explores if a context of poverty itself is a contributing motivator for pursuing enterprise and how it might inform and shape ensuing enterprise experiences.According to a UN report, a fifth of the UK population live in poverty (where poverty is defined as family income below a government-defined threshold) (Alston, 2018). This poverty intersects with enterprise, and rates of poverty for the self-employed are the highest for any 'employed' group (Galloway et al., 2016; Scottish Government, 2016, respectively). Further, the extent of the poverty is worsening, with greater reduction in income levels amongst self-employed people in the lowest income centile than other groups (Belfield et al., 2015). Assuming poverty is not a satisfactory state for individuals, a question central in this chapter is: What were the original motivations of those engaged in enterprise, and now living in poverty, for this mode of work?This chapter proceeds as follows. First, we review the literature on enterprise motivations. Thereafter we set out the methodology used to collect and analyse the data presented. We discuss our findings and present conclusions with considerations given
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