The study of social differentiation in the countryside is often dominated by the deployment of classical analytical frameworks. This article quantitatively explores social differentiation at the sub-national level (Chiredzi and Zvimba districts in Zimbabwe), through the use of the trimodal agrarian structure (TMAS) framework. It addresses the question of whether variables outlined in TMAS (land sizes, labor, and credit) stimulate social differentiation patterns across various settlement models, which emerged after Zimbabwe’s land reform program. If so, what groups or clusters emerge and what are the differentials at the local level? Through statistical factor and cluster analysis, this article reveals that the TMAS variables do explain social differentiation even at the sub-national level. Land sizes, access to capital, and ownership of cattle are key factors in explaining this differentiation. Beyond the variables presented by the TMAS, we argue that agroecological zones and crop type are also instrumental in shaping social differentiation. From the evidence presented, it is difficult to visualize inter-cluster mobility because of various reasons, which include state-based tenure.
Much of the scholarly work on Zimbabwe’s land and agrarian reform has largely been premised on the “livelihoods”, “political economy” and the “neo-patrimonial” approaches; much to the neglect of other frameworks. This article attempts to analyse Zimbabwe’s post-2000 land reform experience from a transformative social policy perspective, utilising empirical data obtained from the 2013/14 Sam Moyo African Institute for Agrarian Studies’ six-district-baseline survey. The article argues that although the Fast Track Land Reform Programme has met the redistributive element of the transformative social policy agenda, the productive, protection and social cohesion potentials of the programme are still to reach their maximum potential due to a number of factors. Although a fraction of surveyed households is accumulating, the majority of the peasantry is shown to be struggling due to fundamental, domestic macro-economic challenges; constrained capacity of the state and external factors such as international isolation, which the country continues to face. Primary data utilised for this article was collected by distributing questionnaires in 1090 households in the districts of Chipinge, Chiredzi, Goromonzi, Kwekwe, Mangwe and Zvimba, which represent the country’s five agro-ecological zones. The data utilised was also collected from all the three settlement models (A1, A2 and Communal Areas).
Small family farmers aim to secure food through own production, and the surplus is only sold to finance productive and reproductive investments. The Fast Track Land Reform programme (FTLRP) caused a dramatic increase in the number of family farms, with approximately 180,000 families being resettled on 70% of agricultural land previously held by about 4500 commercial white farmers. This increased demand for agricultural capital goods, thus putting pressure on the under-resourced government of Zimbabwe, which had to provide inputs considering the FTLRP and capital outflows induced by the economic meltdown. The study tracks and maps out the position of family farmers in Zimbabwe with respect to the agricultural inputs and outputs markets over 15 years of land reform implementation. Specifically, the study utilises the SMAIAS 2013–14 Household Survey to calculate commercialisation indices for major agricultural crops in Zimbabwe. Commercialisation involves the creation of mechanisms that encourage farmers’ active participation and integration in the commodity markets. The survey results show that participation is found to be highly differentiated, with small-scale producers participating the least. More farmers were more active in the inputs markets than they were in the outputs markets, thus implying a perennial reduction of farmers’ incomes and productive asset investment capacity. Additionally, the study provides structural transformative policy alternatives for improving production and rural household income to reduce poverty.
South–South Cooperation has received significant attention. This article assesses the implications of Brazil’s More Food International on farm-level social organizations in Goromonzi and Mvurwi districts in Zimbabwe. Data was collected using mainly focus group discussions, key-informant interviews, and the application of a questionnaire among 410 farming households. Differentiated implications and outcomes were observed between the two districts. Overall, the Brazilian programs improved access to tractor and irrigation implements. Still, the implements were more suited to the large-scale production systems rather than to those of the small-scale A1 farmers. Furthermore, a top-down approach utilized by the state has adverse consequences. The prerequisite of forming cooperatives before accessing the tractors and irrigation implements disrupted local political and socio-economic organizations already in existence within the two districts. The study concludes that, while farm mechanization is crucial for agricultural production, the exclusion of the farmers during policy conceptualization undermines the success of these programs.
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