Throughout the Americas, an emphasis on the ideal of the family, defined as the subject of rights to be defended at all costs, has galvanized efforts to demonize and punish what is called “the ideology of gender.” The spokesmen of the historical project of capital thus offer proof, Segato argues, that, far from being residual, minor, or marginal, the question of gender—of the patriarchal order—is the cornerstone and center of gravity of all forms of power.
This text shows how the strike has been appropriated and reinvented by feminist movements to politicize the problem of violence against women and to link it to broader social, economic, and political issues. It underscores how a wide variety of unexpected alliances and coalitions have been enabled by the strike and how they have multiplied its impacts and meanings. This political process has involved efforts to forge a new internationalism, with precarity as a common concern, but one that takes singular forms in concrete conflicts. In this way, feminist struggles are producing new images of counter-power, of a popular sovereignty that challenges faith in the state, of insurgencies that have renewed the dynamics of decision and autonomy, and of self-defense and collective force.
This article offers a synthesis of the book La crisis no moderna de la universidad moderna and reconsiders many of its main claims, without, however, rehearsing the conceptual history that the book develops. These claims bear on several non-modern crises, crises affecting (1) the modern conflict between knowledge and thought; (2) the modern dispute between the superior, technical faculties and the inferior, critical faculty; (3) the university understood as the original source of ends-driven research, on the one hand, and open-ended, unconditional research, on the other; (4) the modern categories used to understand the university; (5) the university community defined as an organic unity of knowledges; and (6) the autonomy, the untimeliness, the philosophy of history, the enthusiastic mission, and the epic narrative of the modern university. In the Chilean context, these crises coincided with the military dictatorship (1973–90), which carried out a juridical and constitutional transition that was also a transformation of the university. No longer defined as a state-administered institution guided by the developmentalist goal of ensuring the nation's progress, the university became a corporate institution that instead seeks to protect the revenues of multinational corporations. Indeed, the university belongs to these corporations. Effected by the dictatorship, this transition was legally reinforced, naturalized, and supported by post-dictatorship forms of democratic governmentality.
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