The discipline of psychology grew out of European philosophy into a unique discipline that retained reductionist assumptions regarding knowledge production and ways-of-being. Born out of dissatisfaction with the dominance and ineffectiveness of Anglo-European/American assumptions in psychology, and how the discipline obscured culturally unique ways-of-being and producing knowledge, Indigenous scholars are working to decolonize psychology. This article contributes to this Indigenous project by exploring the ways in which dominant reductionist philosophies in psychology today theorize away Indigenous peoples’ understanding of being. Drawing on the continental and existential philosophical tradition, and Māori (Indigenous peoples of New Zealand) knowledge of being, we provide a critique of how the self has been recast in psychology through a reductionist perspective. We set dominant theorizing and knowledge production regarding the self in psychology against the backdrop of processes of colonization, industrialization, urbanization, and the need for the development of Indigenous psychologies to meet the needs of Indigenous peoples.
Like indigenous peoples globally, Mäori are over-represented among the homeless population due to processes of colonialism, disruptions and continued socioeconomic marginalization. This article explores how, through gardening and other everyday practices, a group of older Mäori men who are homeless fi nd respite, reconnection, a sense of belonging, and remember Mäori ways of being. We consider how the regular participation of these men also contributes to the reconciliation of the marae (communal complex used for everyday Mäori life) space that has been reclaimed by Ngäti Whätua (local Auckland tribe) after a lengthy hiatus. Our analysis foregrounds the importance of core values of manaakitanga (care for others), whanaungatanga (relationships based on shared experience or kinship) and wairuatanga (spirituality) for responses to Mäori homelessness.
Central to research into the conduct of everyday life are issues of generalisation. This chapter focuses on three interrelated forms of generalisation, which invoke issues around how macro level structures and intergroup relations are reproduced through micro level situations. First, theoretical generalisation constitutes efforts to enlarge the significance of small-scale exemplars by relating local insights to the broader body of academic knowledge. Second, referential generalisation involves relating everyday artefacts produced by our research participants to the broader social context and intergroup relations. Third, empathetic generalisation involves promoting witnessing, recognition and empathy towards people experiencing poverty by people who are not living in poverty. These three forms of generalisation are central to the development of action strategies to address issues of poverty.Throughout or disciplinary history, psychologists have responded to general issues of poverty through engagements with particular community settings (Hogetts et al., 2010;Hodgetts & O'Doherty, 2018). Accompanying this early focus on everyday poverty were concerns regarding the consequences of inequitable social arrangements (Jahoda et al., 1933(Jahoda et al., , 1992. Today, poverty researchers continue to document how the general (including political-economic systems that generate poverty) is reproduced through the particular (persons and communities). Scholarship in this area speaks to the [dis]functioning of societal structures in local settings. It draws on a dialectical understanding of society to explore how the general becomes entangled within the particular. Articulating such a societal perspective
Growing homelessness inAotearoa New Zealand stems primarily from rising inequalities and poverty. Drawing from scholarship on relational ethics, principled practice and Māori cultural concepts, this paper offers our reflections on nearly two decades of collective work to document and address homelessness. Central to the approach outlined are enduring community partnerships, the cultivation of reciprocal relations, and time spent with homeless people and those trying to work with them. We present exemplars for how we draw on everyday interactions with homeless people and agency staff to enhance local service and broader systemic responses to homelessness.
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