The discipline of psychology grew out of European philosophy into a unique discipline that retained reductionist assumptions regarding knowledge production and ways-of-being. Born out of dissatisfaction with the dominance and ineffectiveness of Anglo-European/American assumptions in psychology, and how the discipline obscured culturally unique ways-of-being and producing knowledge, Indigenous scholars are working to decolonize psychology. This article contributes to this Indigenous project by exploring the ways in which dominant reductionist philosophies in psychology today theorize away Indigenous peoples’ understanding of being. Drawing on the continental and existential philosophical tradition, and Māori (Indigenous peoples of New Zealand) knowledge of being, we provide a critique of how the self has been recast in psychology through a reductionist perspective. We set dominant theorizing and knowledge production regarding the self in psychology against the backdrop of processes of colonization, industrialization, urbanization, and the need for the development of Indigenous psychologies to meet the needs of Indigenous peoples.

In Aotearoa New Zealand, the precariat is populated by at least one in six New Zealanders, with Māori (Indigenous peoples) being over-represented within this emerging social class. For Māori, this socio-economic positioning reflects a colonial legacy spanning 150 years of economic and cultural subjugation, and intergenerational experiences of material, cultural and psychological insecurities. Relating our Kaupapa Māori approach (Māori cultural values and principles underlining research initiatives) to the precariat, this article also draws insights from existing scholarship on social class in psychology and Assemblage Theory in the social sciences to extend present conceptualizations of the Māori precariat. In keeping with the praxis orientation central to our approach, we consider three exemplars of how our research into Māori precarity is mobilized in efforts to inform public deliberations and government policies regarding poverty reduction, humanizing the welfare system and promoting decent work. Note: Aotearoa New Zealand has been popularized within the everyday lexicon of New Zealanders as a political statement of Indigenous rights for Māori.

Like indigenous peoples globally, Mäori are over-represented among the homeless population due to processes of colonialism, disruptions and continued socioeconomic marginalization. This article explores how, through gardening and other everyday practices, a group of older Mäori men who are homeless fi nd respite, reconnection, a sense of belonging, and remember Mäori ways of being. We consider how the regular participation of these men also contributes to the reconciliation of the marae (communal complex used for everyday Mäori life) space that has been reclaimed by Ngäti Whätua (local Auckland tribe) after a lengthy hiatus. Our analysis foregrounds the importance of core values of manaakitanga (care for others), whanaungatanga (relationships based on shared experience or kinship) and wairuatanga (spirituality) for responses to Mäori homelessness.

Moko is still here, contrary to the widely held belief that the art and custom of moko-Maori skin adornment-had vanished from New Zealand communities. Over the last two decades an increasingly visible number of Maori have revived and renewed the practice, taking colour into their skin. As an indigenous people, re-taking moko confronts and refutes the myth of a 'dying race'. It calls on Maori to recommit to strong Maori identities, customs and traditions and challenges the viewer to re-examine their social representations of moko and moko wearers. This paper reports the resistance strategies of a group of 83 moko wearers. Strategies include (1) educating, representing and reconstructing; (2) invalidating and minimizing representations; (3) building and enhancing social networks; and (4) securing cultural identity and pride. They reflect the celebration of cultural resilience.

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Māori men have higher rates of many diseases and lower life expectancy than other population groups in New Zealand. The general consensus is that these health inequalities are due to the inequitable distribution of the social determinants of health; for example, education, employment, income and housing, and were largely driven by colonization and the social and economic marginalization of Māori. Health care factors, including reluctance to consult doctors or late presentation, are part of this equation, but do not fully explain the disparities in health between Māori men and other population groups. As part of our ongoing work in this area, we draw on a focus group discussion with seven Māori community health workers to provide a preliminary analysis of how some Māori people access and use medications. Particular attention is given to the emergent practice of Māori women presenting to general practitioners (GPs) with proxy symptoms to obtain medications for their male partners. This practice exemplifies a range of strategies that some whānau (family) have developed to navigate the health system and overcome the reluctance of some men to engage with the medical profession. The practice raises issues relating to the nature of “primary” and “whānau” care, accessibility of medical services and medications, adherence to medication regimes and the dynamics of doctor–patient relations.

Participatory action research (PAR) is an approach to research that prioritizes the value of experiential knowledge for tackling problems caused by unequal and harmful social systems, and for envisioning and implementing alternatives. PAR involves the participation and leadership of those people experiencing issues, who take action to produce emancipatory social change, through conducting systematic research to generate new knowledge. This Primer sets out key considerations for the design of a PAR project. The core of the Primer introduces six building blocks for PAR project design: building relationships; establishing working practices; establishing a common understanding of the issue; observing, gathering and generating materials; collaborative analysis; and planning and taking action. We discuss key challenges faced by PAR projects, namely, mismatches with institutional research infrastructure; risks of co-option; power inequalities; and the decentralizing of control. To counter such challenges, PAR researchers may build PAR-friendly networks of people and infrastructures; cultivate a critical community to hold them to account; use critical reflexivity; redistribute powers; and learn to trust the process. PAR's societal contribution and methodological development, we argue, can best be advanced by engaging with contemporary social movements that demand the redressingl of inequities and the recognition of situated expertise.Nature Reviews Methods Primers | (2023) 3:34 2 0123456789();: Aims of the PrimerThe contents of the Primer are shaped by the authors' commitment to emancipatory, engaged scholarship, and their own experience of PAR, stemming from their scholar-activism with marginalized communities to tackle issues including state neglect, impoverishment, infectious Springer Nature or its licensor (e.g. a society or other partner) holds exclusive rights to this article under a publishing agreement with the author(s) or other rightsholder(s); author selfarchiving of the accepted manuscript version of this article is solely governed by the terms of such publishing agreement and applicable law.

Growing homelessness inAotearoa New Zealand stems primarily from rising inequalities and poverty. Drawing from scholarship on relational ethics, principled practice and Māori cultural concepts, this paper offers our reflections on nearly two decades of collective work to document and address homelessness. Central to the approach outlined are enduring community partnerships, the cultivation of reciprocal relations, and time spent with homeless people and those trying to work with them. We present exemplars for how we draw on everyday interactions with homeless people and agency staff to enhance local service and broader systemic responses to homelessness.