This article aims at coping with the 2003 implementation of affirmative action policies favoring blacks and "browns" in public-funded universities in Brazil. We are especially interested in coming to terms with some of the most resounding controversies over this type of "race"-based policy, which in our view are to be seen as reactions to some core aspects of Brazil's national identity. The key question that has pervaded this debate is: Should the State apparatus, by means of these non-universalist policies, foster racial identities in a society that has historically imagined itself as racially mixed and, as such, able to deal with race-based conflicts in a quite positive way? As we will strive to demonstrate, these controversies gained momentum as multiculturalism started to inform identity-oriented social movements, which in recent years excelled in challenging the image of Brazil as a successful case of a melting-pot society by denouncing deep-seated social inequalities grounded in racial lines. We want to investigate whether popular resistance to race-based public policies will propel the rise of a sort of resented form of nationalism in Brazil's public scene.Key words Brazilian politics . Affirmative action . Brazilian national identity As globalization becomes the emblematic characteristic of this new millennium, it has not escaped attentive eyes that phenomena contradictory to global trends have put in jeopardy many of the presuppositions on which globalization itself has been based. Indeed, various scholars have stressed that rather than bringing democracy, liberalism, peace, and cosmopolitanism to newly opened societies, globalization has engendered opposing responses. Under globalization, these societies began to perceive their culture and identity as threatened by alien values. 1
A língua é parte fundamental da sociedade e, nela, é possível demarcar culturas e, também, racismo. Nesse sentido, o objetivo deste artigo é identificar crenças e atitudes linguísticas acerca de itens lexicais de línguas africanas no Português Brasileiro, a fim de observar se eles seriam alvo de avaliação menos positiva, quando comparado a palavras de origem vernacular. A fundamentação teórica está calcada em Eckert (2012), Cardoso (2014), Labov (2001) e Petter (2008) e em pesquisas sobre racismo linguístico, como as de Leite (1947), Almeida (2019) e Nascimento (2019). Foi adotada a metodologia da Terceira Onda da Sociolinguística para a coleta de dados, que consistiu na aplicação de dois testes de percepção, formulados a partir de estímulos linguísticos e aplicados a um grupo de 12 participantes. Constatou-se que tais juízes, que responderam ao questionário, falantes de Português Brasileiro, avaliam de forma negativa os itens lexicais advindos de línguas africanas empregados no teste, contribuindo para o racismo linguístico.
Iain Chambers's evocative volume argues that the Mediterranean, both as 'a concept and a historical and cultural formation', is 'imaginatively constructed' by the mutual interaction of the many cultures bordering its waters (p. 10). Mediterranean Crossings focuses on the five hundred years from the early sixteenth century to the present: the period which marks the emergence and development of 'cartographies of power and knowledge that charted European expansion on a planetary scale' (p. 2). In this respect the Mediterranean exemplifies global patterns of shared encounter, colonialism, trade and imperial ambition. Readers should not expect, however, a linear narrative or an exhaustive account of cultural encounters across the region. Instead, Chambers investigates what he calls the 'liquid materiality' of the area: the ways in which 'overlapping territories and intertwined histories' suggest 'the making of a more multiple Mediterranean', where borders are 'both transitory and zones of transit' (pp. 3Á5). The purpose here is to cut through so-called 'thickets of provincialism'; in other words, to escape the narrow and restrictive identity politics of modern nationalism. Chambers is interested in the 'visible and invisible networks' between cultures and is scathing about the artificial separation of those connections by ideological and literal borders. In making this case, he employs a very wide range of material, though some of the discussions are regrettably brief. Among the eclectic topics mentioned are: thirteenth-century Jewish merchants; the Mediterranean slave trade; the Crusades; the Algerian novelist Assia Djebar; Neapolitan popular music; Mediterranean cuisine; the politics of the veil; the evolution of the Arabic 'oud into the lute and the guitar; Caravaggio; rubbish collection and the Camorra; and, crucially, the occlusion of Muslim culture from modern ideas about Europe. One of the book's declared projects is to challenge received understandings of European cultural history by questioning the comfortable certainties of classicism, nationalism, and relentless 'progress ' (p. 40).Chambers is a professor of postcolonial studies and this specialism allows him to reposition the Mediterranean in terms of what 'the West' has 'marginalised, culturally repressed [and] physically (and metaphysically) eradicated' (p. 26). Occasionally, however, Chambers's arguments close down more sophisticated understandings of cultural encounter. He generalizes very readily about 'the West', and sometimes uses the terms 'First World', 'Occidental', 'European' and 'modern state' apparently interchangeably. He mentions, for example, the 'global imminence of Occidental whiteness' and the 'essential violence on which the authority of the modern state depends to secure its legitimacy', specifically law courts, policing and education (p. 5). These statements are methodologically problematic because they simplify or suppress more complex cultural interactions. Not only do they assume that 'the West' has been and remains homogeneous, b...
Este artigo analisa as leituras de Homero e de Aristóteles feitas por Hannah Arendt. Partindo das reinterpretações do conceito de coragem, phrônesis e política feitas pela filósofa, apontamos naquelas leituras indícios das definições arendtianas do ethos do homem político e do surgimento do espaço público. O artigo também discute dois paradoxos no pensamento de Arendt: o paralelo entre a coragem guerreira do herói homérico e a virtude sagaz da phrônesis aristotélica, por um lado, e, por outro, a ação política enquanto reveladora do agente no espaço público e atividade coletiva voltada para a criação e manutenção de instituições. Sustentamos, como conclusão, que a releitura de Homero e Aristóteles, por mais paradoxal que seja, constitui a fonte teórica para a separação radical entre violência e política, realizada por Arendt.
Este artigo analisa as teorias de Aristóteles, Tocqueville e Hannah Arendt a respeito de como alguns aspectos da democracia como a busca do igualitarismo e o voto majoritário podem conduzir ao despotismo. Examinando os casos da democratização da Rússia pós-comunista e o sistema político da Venezuela durante a presidencia de Hugo Chavez, o texto procura demonstrar a importância das idéias daqueles pensadores para a compreensão de regimes autoritários legitimados pelo voto popular.---The democratic route of autoritarismThis article reviews the theories of Aristotle, Tocqueville and Hannah Arendt with respect to some elements of democracy such as the pursue of egalitarianism and the reliance on the will of the majority that can lead to despotism. On the basis of post-communist Russia’s transition to democracy and Venezuela’s political system under the presidency of Hugo Chavez, the article shows the importance of those thinker’s insights to understand current authoritarian regimes which rely on popular vote.keywords: democracy, autoritarian regimes, voting.
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