Studies of geographical mobility are typically divided into studies of residential mobility, which are assumed to be motivated by family factors, and studies of migration, which are assumed to be motivated by the opportunities for realising economic gains as a result of the move. We use a life course approach and data from the 1999–2005 March Annual Social and Economic Supplement of the Current Population Survey to investigate the age trajectories of both residential mobility and migration among American adults. We find that mobility trajectories and motivations for moves vary by economic status and family status; that quality of life motivations and family factors account for a substantial proportion of long‐distance as well as short‐distance moves; and that both residential mobility and migration are associated with an increased risk of economic instability and family and employment changes in the year following the move. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.. American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to American Sociological Review.Since the demise of modernization theory, social scientists have sought explanations for persisting differences in the stratification of industrialized societies, primarily by studying how educational and labor market institutions shape the life chances of individuals. This approach undervalues two key features of any stratification system: family dynamics and the welfare state. Employment changes, changes in household composition, and changes in the employment situation of a spouse or partner can all trigger large shifts in income and material well-being. The impact of these events is mediated by public tax and transfer mechanisms and by private actions taken by household members. This comparative analysis of household income dynamics in the United States and Germany shows that variations in welfare state policy produce distinct societal patterns of income mobility, and furthermore, shows that the relative importance of labor market events, family change, and welfare state policies for income dynamics depends on gender The strong interrelationship between individual incentives and the structure of opportunity produces an asymmetry in the long-term impact of events. The negative effects of events that reduce income generally decay over time, while the effects of positive events generally persist. I t was once common to presume that a family's standard of living could be derived from the class position of a single breadwinner, whether the male householder (Goldthorpe 1983) or more generally (in Erikson's "dominance model") the adult with the highest occupational status (Erikson 1984;S0rensen 1994). In effect, the conventional and dominance models both assume that the occupational status of the dominant breadwinner is an adequate measure of the economic position of all family members via its link with long-run (so-called "permanent") income (Friedman 1957). This approach is increasingly becoming obsolete. First, while occupation may be a reasonable measure of "permanent" individual income, it does not adequately measure "permanent" household income because it fails to capture the work activity of other adults in the household (Szelenyi 1994). Second, occupationftir Wirtschaftsforschung and the Center for Demography

Sixty-eight patients with chordoma or low-grade chondrosarcoma at the base of the skull received fractionated high-dose postoperative radiation delivered with a 160-MeV proton beam. Protons have favorable physical characteristics which allow the delivery of high doses of radiation to these critically located tumors. The methods employed for these treatments are described. These patients have been followed for at least 17 months and for a median of 34 months. The median tumor dose was 69 CGE (cobalt Gy equivalent): CGE is the dose in proton Gy multiplied by 1.1, which is the relative biological effectiveness for protons compared to cobalt-60. The daily dose was 1.8 to 2.1 CGE. For this group the 5-year actuarial local control rate is 82% and disease-free survival rate is 76%. The incidence of treatment-related morbidity has been acceptable.

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Previous research on migration and gendered career outcomes centers on couples and rarely examines the reason for the move. The implicit assumption is usually that households migrate in response to job opportunities. Based on a two-year panel from the Current Population Survey, this article uses stated reasons for geographic mobility to compare earnings outcomes among job migrants, family migrants, and quality-of-life migrants by gender and family status. We further assess the impact of migration on couples' internal household economy. The effects of job-related moves that we find are reduced substantially in the fixed-effects models, indicating strong selection effects. Married women who moved for family reasons experience significant and substantial earnings declines. Consistent with conventional models of migration, we find that household earnings and income and gender specialization increase following job migration. Married women who are secondary earners have increased odds of reducing their labor supply following migration for job or family reasons. However, we also find that migrating women who contributed as equals to the household economy before the move are no more likely than nonmigrant women to exit work or to work part-time. Equal breadwinner status may protect women from becoming tied movers.

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This study explores how researchers’ analytical choices affect the reliability of scientific findings. Most discussions of reliability problems in science focus on systematic biases. We broaden the lens to emphasize the idiosyncrasy of conscious and unconscious decisions that researchers make during data analysis. We coordinated 161 researchers in 73 research teams and observed their research decisions as they used the same data to independently test the same prominent social science hypothesis: that greater immigration reduces support for social policies among the public. In this typical case of social science research, research teams reported both widely diverging numerical findings and substantive conclusions despite identical start conditions. Researchers’ expertise, prior beliefs, and expectations barely predict the wide variation in research outcomes. More than 95% of the total variance in numerical results remains unexplained even after qualitative coding of all identifiable decisions in each team’s workflow. This reveals a universe of uncertainty that remains hidden when considering a single study in isolation. The idiosyncratic nature of how researchers’ results and conclusions varied is a previously underappreciated explanation for why many scientific hypotheses remain contested. These results call for greater epistemic humility and clarity in reporting scientific findings.