Drawing upon control theory, school climate theory, and social disorganization theory, this study examined the relative influence of individual, institutional, and community factors on misconduct in Philadelphia middle schools. Using U.S. census data, school district data, police department data, and school climate survey data obtained from the administration of the Effective School Battery to 7, 583 students in 11 middle schools, we examined the following predictors of student misconduct: community poverty and residential stability; community crime; school size; student perceptions of school climate (school attachment); and individual student characteristics (e.g., age, race, sex, school involvement and effort, belief in rules, positive peer associations). “Community” was conceptualized in two ways: “local” (the census tract around the school), and “imported” (aggregated measures from the census tracts where students actually lived). We used hierarchical linear modeling techniques (HLM) to examine between‐ and within‐school factors. Individual‐level factors accounted for 16% of the explained variance; school and community‐level factors (both local and imported) added only small increments (an additional 4.1–4.5%). We conclude that simplistic assumptions that “bad” communities typically produce “bad” children or “bad” schools are unwarranted.

Using data from a sample of 754 middle school students in Grades 7 and 8, this article examines the independent effects of the four components of the school social bond—school commitment, attachment to school, school involvement, and belief in school rules—on school crime, school misconduct, and school nonattendance. The results suggest that personal background, family involvement in schooling, and ability grouping have differential effects on the school bond components. Also, an examination of the independent effects of the four components of the school social bond suggests that certain components are more important than others in controlling different types of school delinquency. These results suggest that the school social bond is an important intervening mechanism that helps to explain the effects of certain predictor variables on school crime, school misconduct, and nonattendance in middle schools.

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ISSUES AND PURPOSE. Parents often examine and question interactions with their young teen and may ask the advice of healthcare professionals. Topics, frequency, and intensity of conflicts between young adolescents and parents were therefore examined. DESIGN AND METHODS. A descriptive survey using the 44‐item Issues Checklist (Robin, 1975) with 163 parent and young adolescent (ages 11–14) dyads. RESULTS. Parents and teens were congruent about their reports of the topics, frequency, and intensity of conflict. Discussion of the topics generally was not angry. Mothers reported the greatest quantity of issues. Potentially sensitive topics such as substance use, dating, and sex were rarely approached by either parent or young adolescent. Sociodemographic characteristics did not distinguish or were not associated with IC scores. PRACTICE IMPLICATIONS. Conflict is a common component of the parent‐young adolescent relationship. Families with children entering adolescence can expect conflict about issues that recur but usually are not that “hot.“ Anticipating topics may put conflict in perspective. Nurses help families resolve conflicts associated with day‐to‐day conflicts as a first step toward opening up larger, potentially sensitive topics.