IS tipping in restaurants simply a social norm where people tip on the basis of some rule of thumb (15% of bill size for example)? Using evidence gathered from surveys of nearly 700 diners in 7 Minnesota restaurants, it is argued that tipping is both a social norm and a means of rewarding good service. Survey evidence suggests that diners use rules of thumb as starting points and then vary gratuities on the basis of service just received, expected future service, whether they dine alone or with a group, alcohol consumption and location of the restaurant. Tipping may be viewed as a game played indirectly between diners in which each diner contemplates tipping, or not tipping, based on expectations of future service and the tipping behavior of other diners. Tipping is commonplace as long as people expect better service when they tip more and the expeaed payoff to tipping rises when more people tip, but rare otherwise. Neo-classical economics is quite successful in predicting tip size as long as diners view tipping as a pecuniary cost of buying service.
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Documents inIZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. It is now well known that exogenous immigration shocks tend to have benign effects on native employment outcomes, thanks to various secondary adjustment processes made possible by flexible markets. One adjustment process that has received scant attention is that immigrants, as consumers of the goods they help produce, contribute to their own demand. We examine the effects of an immigration shock on labor demand by testing a general equilibrium model in which imperfectly substitutable native and immigrant workers spend their wages on a locally produced good. The shock induces three responses: (i) a substitution of immigrants for natives; (ii) out-migration; and (iii) stimulation of labor demand. According to (iii), native wages can fall, stay the same or rise, depending upon the strength of the shock and various product and factor market elasticities. As our test case, we reexamine the 1980 "Mariel Boatlift," using Wacziarg's "Channel Transmission" methodology. Our data set includes approximately 6,600 observations for 1979-85 from the Current Population Survey on workers in 9 different retail labor markets and Survey of Buying Power data on retail spending by consumers in Miami and four comparison cities. Our results provide a more complete explanation for why the Boatlift's overall effects on native wages in Miami were benign: Lower wages due to greater labor supply were offset by higher wages due to greater labor demand. We conclude that the demand-augmenting effect of an immigration shock is a significant secondary adjustment process that must be conside...
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